Euphoria, trepidation, mixed emotions are reaction to Ukraine's proclamation (07/22/90)

Euphoria, trepidation, mixed emotions are reaction to Ukraine's proclamation

by Marta Kolomayets

JERSEY CITY, N.J. - Early Monday morning, July 16, the Supreme Soviet of the Ukrainian SSR proclaimed Ukraine a sovereign state. Hours later, the people's deputies voted to immortalize this momentous event by declaring July 16 a national holiday for the citizens of Ukraine.

Few of those who walk the streets of Kiev today remember the last time the government of Ukraine took such progressive steps in nation-building, declaring the Ukrainian nation's inalienable right to self-determination. But now, many look to the future with both euphoria and trepidation.

"On July 16, the people rejoiced as children would; some of them may not understand that this declaration is just a sheet of paper, our work is just beginning. Others may just want to shut their eyes temporarily, relishing the moment," explained Vyacheslav Chornovil, a deputy from Lviv and chairman of the Lviv Oblast Council, who was just elected the leader of the National Council (Narodna Rada), a group of radical deputies from the Democratic Bloc.

"But, no matter, this is precisely what our people needed at this time," he added during a telephone interview on Thursday morning, July 19.

The declaration of sovereignty was met with applause and a standing ovation, capturing 355 yeas and only four nays, inside the chambers of the Supreme Soviet. "As the deputies made their way out of the building for lunch, each and everyone of them was greeted with flowers and rounds of applause," reported Stanislav Lazebnyk, the first deputy chairman of the board of the Ukraina Society, known as the Association for Cultural Relations with Ukrainians Abroad. "Communists and Democratic Bloc deputies alike were greeted by the people. There was no difference."

Mr. Chornovil also related a story about an event on July 16. Although he did not attend a sovereignty banquet held at a Kievan restaurant that evening, he was told that "demokraty" and "partokraty" sat at the same table that night, symbolizing the unity of Ukraine. "I imagine that evening, after a few celebratory drinks, these deputies could be seen hugging each other," he added jokingly.

The one-time political prisoner and journalist-turned-statesman recognized that the citizens of Ukraine were swept up with emotion on July 16, organizing a spontaneous meeting that took them to October Revolution Square. "It has already been proposed to rename this plaza Independence Square," he added.

Speaking quickly, not pausing to take a breath, he continued to describe the throngs of people (he estimates that there were probably 10,000) who marched to Khreshchatyk, past the KGB headquarters, where they chanted "Shame on the Imperialist Police." Later, the citizens made it to St. Sophia Square, where the Fourth Universal was read in 1918 and walked down to the old headquarters of the Ukrainian Central Rada, the government of a free Ukraine earlier in this century.

"You know, I've heard our declaration on sovereignty called the Fifth Universal," Mr. Chornovil remarked, however, in content, he added, it most closely resembles the Third.

Mr. Lazebnyk said that he sees this declaration on sovereignty as comparable to the Fourth Universal, which proclaimed Ukraine's independence. "I mean in historic significance," he explained. "But I do see this declaration as the first step toward true independence for Ukraine," he said.

"Indeed the proclamation of sovereignty is a prominent event in the political life of Ukraine," remarked Nikolai Makarevitch, the deputy permanent representative of the Permanent Mission of the Ukrainian SSR to the United Nations.

It is also quite significant that the declaration passed almost unanimously, he added, explaining that the principles of the declaration will now serve as guidelines for the development of a new constitution.

"The passage of this particular declaration, supported by such high numbers, I consider the optimum for this Parliament. It comes as a surprise to me," said Pavlo Movchan, a Democratic Bloc deputy from Kiev who was in the United States when Ukrainian sovereignty was proclaimed.

A few factors contributed to this unusual twist of fate, said Mr. Chornovil, analyzing the situation. "The miners from Donetske began their political strike just as our Parliament began discussing the separate points of the sovereignty declaration; Ivashko's escape to Moscow caused confusion among the Communist deputies, leaving them at a loss as to what their next steps should be; and of course, our (Democratic Bloc) constant pressure also made it possible to pass the declaration."

Mr. Movchan said he agrees with Mr. Chornovil's analysis, adding that the splinter within the Communist Party, as well as Boris Yeltsin's recent dramatic resignation from the party contributed to this favorable vote on sovereignty.

Despite this overwhelming majority vote for sovereignty, the Democratic Bloc is not fooling itself about the work that lies ahead.

"This does not mean that the wolves (stagnant Communists) have suddenly turned into lambs and are content to graze and feed on grass," Mr. Chornovil said, using a colorful analogy.

It is, however, reassuring that the Ukrainian declaration is progressive in its ideas, presenting new elements. They surpass that of the Russian declaration, yet stop short of the Baltic proclamation on complete independence. According to Mr. Makarevitch, the declaration reflects today's reality, heading toward disarmament. "If you read the resolution on sovereignty adopted by the Communist Party of Ukraine, you see that this variation of the declaration is similar to what was agreed upon in their resolutions passed in June," he said.

Mr. Chornovil, on the other hand, considers this resolution a major victory for the Democratic Bloc, recalling the clashes within the Supreme Soviet on some of the points. "It was very difficult to pass some of these points, for the declaration was discussed and passed in sections. For example, the point about military service on the territory of the republic passed with 226 votes, if it had received one less vote, it would not have passed," he added. He said that at one point, the session had to break because the Odessa and Crimean delegations kept protesting and walking out of the hall.

"But once it came to a roll call vote on the declaration in its entirety, it would have been shameful for the deputies to vote against it, they would have been viewed as reactionaries or chauvinists," he added.

Currently, with the declaration a reality and the deputies ready to work on a constitution that should be ready during the next session of Parliament in the fall, war rages on the floor of the Supreme Soviet. With what the deputies refer to as the "defection" of Mr. Ivashko to Moscow, and his resignation from the post of president of the Supreme Soviet, a new leader must be elected .

A list of 27 candidates has been submitted, among them the first secretary of the Communist Party of Ukraine, Stanislav Hurenko and Communist Party ideology secretary, Leonid Krawchuk. But the Democratic Bloc has its own long list of candidates, among them Ihor Yukhnovsky, Levko Lukianenko, Larysa Skoryk, Volodymyr Yavorivsky, to name a few.

"Ihor Yukhnovsky was one of the first to present his positions, incorporating many of the points listed in the declaration of sovereignty," reported Hanna Stetsiv, a journalist from Lviv who works for the UNVIS, the Ukrainian National Publishing and Information Service.

"Much will depend on who is elected president of the Supreme Soviet," remarked Ms. Stetsiv, who is from western Ukraine. "Here," she added, "just two days after the declaration on sovereignty, the people are already critical of it. They do not understand why citizens of Ukraine would want to have the right to retain USSR citizenship. This excludes Ukraine leaving the union," she added, bringing up this one example.

"But Ukraine is in a complex situation. In the West you have people clamoring to secede, and in the East you have people who do not see life without ties to Moscow." At this point in time, we look for compromise, we have to be patient, she added.

Mr. Lazebnyk sees economic sovereignty as taking the priority in today's Ukrainian government work. "Without economic independence an independent Ukrainian state will only be such on paper."

Some, like Mr. Makarevitch, who supports Ukrainian sovereignty, do not see Ukraine independent. "All of Europe is looking to become one community, why should the Soviet Union be different?," he asked.

Still others, such as Mr. Chornovil say they are content only for the moment. "We did the optimum we can achieve, working with the kind of Parliament we have today," he added. "But I'm a maximalist, and a radical and I am a supporter of full state independence for Ukraine."

And when will such independence come? The answers are as varied as the make-up of Ukraine's population today.

"I had asked Mykhailo Kosiv, a deputy from Lviv, during his election campaign when he thought Ukraine would achieve its independence. Then, he talked of the gradual steps in achieving independence, raising the consciousness of Ukrainians throughout the country, etc.," said Mr. Stetsiv during a recent telephone conversation.

"The way he spoke I thought we'd be lucky if we achieved full independence in 100 years. He assured me it would be within five," she recalled.

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