1991: A LOOK BACK

Ukraine, B.C. (before the coup)


The last four and one half months of 1991 will probably be remembered as the days that fundamentally changed the course of Ukrainian history.

Events progressed at such a quick pace that they left many Ukrainian citizens dazzled, bewildered or confused.

But the developments through August 18 were by no means a barometer for the changes that were to come.

On the contrary, the citizens of Ukraine, on the whole, seemed to be passive, resigned to living in what had been labeled a sovereign state, but was such in name only.

For them, 1991 began with the fear that the crackdown in Lithuania would have repercussions in Ukraine. The Supreme Council of Ukraine expressed solidarity with Lithuanians. Both the blue and yellow national flag and the then official blue and red Soviet Ukrainian flag flew at half mast at Kiev's City Hall, and representatives of the National Council went to Vilnius to monitor the situation.

A January 22 meeting at St. Sophia Square in Kiev to mark Ukraine's 1918 and 1919 proclamations of the Ukrainian National Republic and the unification of Ukrainian lands into one independent state, respectively, took on a somber tone in the shadow of aggression by Soviet troops in Lithuania.

It was also in January that the Procurator's Office in Kiev completed its investigation of People's Deputy Stepan Khmara, who was imprisoned in November 1990, accused of criminal charges including assault, abuse of authority by an elected official, and attempt to seize private and state property.

During the first eight months of 1991, the case of Dr. Khmara made the news frequently. The radical opposition leader sat in prison, staged hunger strikes as "political protests against Communist terror in Ukraine."

Dr. Khmara gained tremendous support from students and miners throughout Ukraine, who demonstrated on numerous occasions, demanding his release.

His case, along with that of the six young men imprisoned with him on trumped up charges, often made headlines not only in Ukraine, but in the West as well, as international observers came to Kiev to support him.

After Ukraine declared its independence, Dr. Khmara and all the political prisoners charged with him were amnestied.

In order to build a strong opposition against the Group of 239 Communists in Ukraine's Parliament, the democratic movement began to organize itself, expressing interest in meeting with other reformers.

In late January, representatives of democratic parties, movements and organizations from 10 Soviet republics met in Kharkiv, eastern Ukraine, uniting to form a coalition of democratic forces. These representatives continued to meet throughout the year in various cities across the Soviet Union.

Meanwhile, in western Ukraine, deputies from three oblasts - Lviv, Ivano-Frankivske and Ternopil - pledged to work together in all spheres of activity. The historic session of the three oblast councils adopted the name Galician Assembly. The councils continued to work together throughout the year, forming an inter-oblast structure in order to prepare to enter a free market economy.

The Galician Assembly met for a second session in September, where representatives from the Volyn and Chernivtsi Oblasts expressed interest in joining this Assembly.

In good old Communist tradition, the leaders of the Ukrainian government marched through the streets of Kiev in the annual May Day parade, hailing the virtues of communism. Leading the ranks were Supreme Council Chairman Leonid Kravchuk, Deputy Prime Minister Konstantin Masyk and Ukrainian Communist Party Chief Stanislav Hurenko.

That parade ended within an hour, only to be followed by another parade - this one organized by Rukh, the Popular Movement of Ukraine. It was complete with blue and yellow flags, kozaks on horseback and the sounds of Ukrainian national songs resounding along the Khreshchatyk.

The marchers, led by people's deputies from the National Council, were prepared to storm the Lukianivka Prison to demand the release of Dr. Khmara, who had been on a hunger strike since his re-arrest in April.

In June, Berestechko commemorations, marking the 340th anniversary of the Kozak battle, were held in Volyn. Among the honored guests were Supreme Council Chairman Kravchuk and Patriarch Mstyslav I of the Ukrainian Autocephalous Orthodox Church.

As noted in the previous section of this review, Mr. Kravchuk had already evolved into a nationally conscious leader, promoting the glorious Kozak legacy.

"We should stop and think: for what did the Kozaks give their lives? For freedom, for independence, for their lands. It is here on this sacred resting place that we should feel strength, ability and courage to follow along the road paved by our ancestors," he said.

Another event, which created this atmosphere of pride in Ukraine, in its 1,000 year old heritage, and in being Ukrainian, was the first anniversary of the Declaration of State Sovereignty of Ukraine, celebrated on July 16.

The streets of Kiev swarmed with its citizens, who took part in official and impromptu rallies, concerts and other festivities.

Mr. Kravchuk hailed Ukraine's sovereignty, but democratic leaders such as Oleksander Lavrynovych, Rukh vice chairman, said: "To celebrate the first anniversary of the Declaration of State Sovereignty of Ukraine is a good thing. It's the same let's say, as celebrating a birthday. When we celebrate a child's first birthday, it's a joyous occasion. But if you call this birthday a coming of age or maturity, then it's a bit funny. So when the first anniversary of the declaration on state sovereignty is called Independence Day, this evokes an ironic smile in as much as it is difficult to celebrate something that doesn't exist."

A solemn commemoration which showed Ukraine's commitment to democratic reform, tolerance and respect for minorities' rights, was the week-long series of events initiated by the Ukrainian government to mourn the mass killings of Jews, Ukrainians and others killed by Nazis at Babyn Yar.

The memorial tributes, held during the first week of October, began a new phase in Ukrainian-Jewish relations. The official delegation from the United States, headed by President George Bush's brother Jonathan, included UNA Supreme Auditor Taras Szmagala. Other nations represented were: Israel and The Federal Republic of Germany.

During the summer months, world leaders visited Kiev, the capital city of Ukraine, but most Ukrainians wished that they had not come.

The first such visit was a brief stop-over by Soviet President Mikhail Gorbachev and German Chancellor Helmut Kohl, who met in Kiev on July 5 to discuss Western assistance to Soviet economic reform.

On his arrival in Kiev, the Soviet leader was met by Ukrainian demonstrators who protested his presence in Ukraine and his disregard for the sovereignty of the republic.

As Chancellor Kohl and President Gorbachev drove in a motorcade down Kiev's main boulevard, protesters waved banners in Ukrainian, Russian, German and English. "Mr. Kohl, do not pay for the unification of Germany with the captivity of Ukraine," read one banner.

Less than a month later, U.S. President George Bush set foot in Kiev and delivered what is now referred to as his infamous "Chicken Kiev" speech, where he spoke of "suicidal nationalism." Rukh Chairman Ivan Drach observed that Mr. Bush had arrived in Kiev as a "messenger for Gorbachev," hypnotized by the Soviet president.

However, relations between U.S. President Bush and Ukrainian Supreme Council Chairman Kravchuk changed for the better when Mr. Kravchuk visited the United States in September. He was greeted warmly by the U.S. leader. Mr. Kravchuk said he was convinced that President Bush was beginning to change his way of thinking. During an hour-long meeting at the White House, Mr. Kravchuk told Mr. Bush that the United States must accept the independence of the republics because a central government in the Soviet Union no longer exists.

Mr. Kravchuk also met with Canadian Prime Minister Brian Mulroney and French President Francois Mitterand during a two-week whirlwind trip to the West, which established him as a leader of Ukraine to be reckoned with.

As Ukraine began emerging on the world scene, the Presidium of the Supreme Council approved the creation of an international advisory council which will provide the Parliament with advice and counsel on a wide range of economic and legal issues.

Rapid changes continued, as the statue of Vladimir Ilych Lenin in Kiev's October Revolution Square (now renamed Independence Square) was dismantled shortly after the Parliament declared Ukraine's independence.

Ukraine's citizens continued to rejoice in September, as the Ukrainian Parliament met to dissolve the KGB and create a new security service, absolutely independent of Moscow.

With the approaching December 1 referendum, the national minorities in Ukraine also voiced their support of independence for the 52 million-strong republic. Meeting in Odessa, delegates to the first All-Ukrainian Inter-Ethnic Congress, representing over 100 ethnic groups, urged all minorities to vote for independence.

Also at this time, the seven candidates for president of Ukraine campaigned on a political platform that pushed for Ukraine's independence. The forerunners were Mr. Kravchuk, former political prisoner Vyacheslav Chornovil, who is currently Lviv Oblast chairman, and Ukrainian Republican Party Chairman Levko Lukianenko.

Others running included Supreme Council Deputy Chairman Volodymyr Hryniov, National Council leader Ihor Yukhnovsky, businessman Leopold Taburiansky and State Minister of Agriculture Oleksander Tkachenko.

Only one incident during the presidential campaign was disturbing in a race that was relatively peaceful and calm. Just days before the referendum, in late November, an attempt was made on Mr. Kravchuk's life as he was campaigning in Kharkiv. Mr. Kravchuk escaped the incident unharmed.

Throughout 1991, the Ukrainian Mission to the United Nations, based in New York City, played a vital role in forging Ukrainian relations with the West.

Just days after the August 24 Declaration of Independence by the Ukrainian Parliament, the Mission officially changed its name to Ukraine, dropping the SSR, and declared its full independence.

Ukrainian Ambassador Gennadi Udovenko was instrumental in setting up meetings for Mr. Kravchuk's visit to the United States.

The mission also concerned itself with the December 1 referendum and presidential election, setting up a polling station for citizens of Ukraine currently in the U.S.

The Mission also served as a clearing house of information, providing citizens of the U.S. and Canada the opportunity to obtain visas for Ukraine at Boryspil Airport in Kiev, thus making travel for them to Ukraine much more convenient.


Copyright © The Ukrainian Weekly, December 29, 1991, No. 52, Vol. LIX


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