ANALYSIS: Electoral programs of Russian Federation parties


by Taras Kuzio

All of the electoral programs in Russia's recent Parliamentary elections have sections devoted to the defense of the Russian diaspora, which, in itself, makes Ukraine and Kazakhstan the object of their attention (due to their large Russian minorities) and the Baltic republics, too (due to their alleged discrimination against Russians).

All the programs describe Russia as a "great power." The majority of the programs call for a new "union" to be created from the Commonwealth of Independent States; but, whereas reformist parties restrict this new union to only the economic sphere, the remainder call for a full (economic, political and military) union. Few political programs insist this new union be created by force; the majority prefer to speak of it as a voluntary union.

Within this new union the three core neighboring states of Russia within the CIS (Belarus, Kazakhstan and Ukraine) are to be targeted. These are the states which ultimately decided the fate of the former USSR and which are closely interwoven within Russian pan-Slavic ideology.

Reformist parties, such as Yegor Gaidar's Russia's Democratic Choice - United Democrats and Konstantin Borovoy's Economic Freedom Party, devote little attention to CIS integration. Russia's Choice is one of the few that states its readiness to "oppose remnants of imperialist ideology and militaristic mindset."

Yabloko leader Grigoriy Yavlinsky rules out as unrealistic any military or political unions with former Soviet republics. But, one reason Mr. Yabloko is in opposition to the current leadership is because it blames that leadership for "the disintegration of economic ties, defense capabilities and the system of security on USSR territory." Mr. Yavlinsky does back the creation of a full -fledged economic union, especially with the three key CIS core states mentioned earlier. (Mr. Yavlinsky was the author of the October 1991 Economic Union program). Yabloko co-founder Vladimir Lukin, chairman of the Duma Committee on International Affairs, believes that Russian geopolitical priorities are control of Tajikistan and Abkhazia.

The Independent Bloc, co-chaired by Vladimir Komchatov, presidential prefect in Moscow, as well as the Party of Russian Unity and Accord, led by Deputy Prime Minister Sergei Shakhrai, also are in favor of the restoration of economic, political and military links on the territory of the former USSR.

Our Home is Russia, led by Prime Minister Viktor Chernomyrdin, is firmly within the reformist camp. But, with regard to the CIS, its policies echo the "Monroe Doctrine" backed by President Boris Yeltsin since early 1993. Our Home is Russia links the revival of Russia "as a world power" to full integration within the CIS and greater coordination of policies vis-à-vis the outside world. These integrationist processes should be backed in all spheres, according to Our Home is Russia. Therefore it backs a system of collective security, joint defense of CIS external borders, collective peacekeeping as well as a, "common economic and ethno-cultural space."

Aleksei Manannikov, a leading activist of Our Home is Russia (and deputy chairman of the Duma Committee on International Affairs), supports "pressure instruments" to influence the former Soviet republics and targets Ukraine, Kazakhstan and the Baltic republics.

Nationalist and patriotic groups are more overt in their demands for the revival of a new union. The Congress of Russian Communities puts particular emphasis on defense of the rights of the Russian diaspora, including military intervention. Aleksandr Lebed, co-chairman, has outlined the congress's task as "restoring Russia's single defense space within its historic borders: the Russian Empire and the USSR." The first priorities are restoring economic and political links on former USSR territory because this region is "a part of the sphere of (Russia's) vitally important interests."

The Russian electoral Bloc for the Motherland placed Eduard Baltin, commander of the Black Sea Fleet, at the top of its list of candidates. The bloc seeks joint Russian-Ukrainian rule for the Crimea and dual citizenship for its citizens, as well as "the reunification of the countries of the former USSR." With regard to Sevastopil, the bloc believes that it "is a purely Russian town. That has been the case and will remain so as it was not handed over to Ukraine."

The Liberal Democratic Party of Russia, led by Vladimir Zhirinovsky, which did remarkably well in the elections, has long called upon Russia to reclaim "lost territories" in the former USSR. Russia should be recreated "within its historically established geopolitical space within the borders of the former USSR..." and the dissolution of the former USSR was "illegal."

Left-wing groups, such as Power to the People, led by Nikolai Ryzhkov, former Soviet prime minister, the Russian All-People's Movement, co-chaired by a Cossack ataman, Communists - Working Russia - For the Soviet Union, led by Viktor Tyulkin, openly have called for the revival of the former USSR through a referendum.

The Agrarian Party, led by Mikhail Lapshin, supports "the aspirations of former union republics to restore a unified union state," and, like all radical left and right groups, backs the denunciation of the Belovezhskaya Agreement establishing the CIS, which was never ratified by the Russian Parliament.

Undoubtedly the greatest danger to Ukraine from the Russian election results is the surge of support for the Communists. The Communist Party of Ukraine (CPU), in league with other left-wing and inter-front groups, had launched a campaign to hold a referendum on the revival of the former USSR in early 1995.

This aim is now backed by the newly created Soyuz (Union) deputies faction within the Ukrainian Parliament. The CPU, on behalf of the Russian Federation's Communist Party, initiated a major push for Ukraine to join the CIS Inter-Parliamentary Assembly after Ukraine was admitted to the Council of Europe.

The Communist Party of the Russian Federation, which unites traditional socialist ideals with pan-Slavism and national statism, satisfies those who seek restoration of the empire and believe in Russia's historical messianism. It is in favor of the organization of plebiscites throughout the former USSR, which will launch a political, economic and military union as a "stage-by-stage voluntary restoration of the fatherland." The party's leader, Gennadiy Zyuganov, has heaped scorn upon attempts by Ukraine to maintain its independence while backing the referendum on December 25, 1995, by the Dniester Republic of Moldova for a separate state and CIS membership.

It should also be noted this party received the highest number of votes among the nearly 12,000 Russians eligible to vote within Ukraine, followed closely by the Congress of Russian Communities.


Taras Kuzio, is affiliated with the Center for Russian and East European Studies at the University of Birmingham in England.


Copyright © The Ukrainian Weekly, February 25, 1996, No. 8, Vol. LXIV


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