Polish Consulate hosts panel on perspectives for Polish-Ukrainian relations

by Andrij Wynnyckyj
Toronto Press Bureau

TORONTO - Ukraine and Poland and their peoples have long been bitter antagonists, as is typical of many European nations bordering on each other. And yet, it appears they are on the cusp of an enduring period of cooperation.

A panel-discussion on "Poland and Ukraine: Perspectives for the Future," held on February 23 at the palatial Polish Consulate on the western reaches of Toronto's Lakeshore, examined the troubled past and the present comity enjoyed by the two countries, as well as the fascinating and historically unprecedented possibility that these good relations might persist.

The consulates general of Ukraine and the Republic of Poland were co-sponsors of the event, whose headliners were the historians Prof. Orest Subtelny of York University and Prof. Piotr Wrobel of the University of Toronto.

As the host, Polish Consul General Wojciech Tenchinski put the evening in context right from the start. "The relations of Ukraine and Poland are perhaps a distant and abstract topic that is primarily pertinent in Europe, but this topic is equally important in Canada, a multi-ethnic state."

Consul Tenchinski pointed out that Canada's policy toward Eastern Europe "is probably not as active as it should be," but noted that Ukraine's geographical location and its status as an emergent nation ensures that it plays a central role.

"Globalization, technological and economic," Mr. Tenchinski said, "has meant that political and economic developments have an impact on the entire world. In Poland and Ukraine's case, this is doubly so because they form a strategic area between Germany and Russia that is populated by some 90 million people."

Serhiy Borovyk, Mr. Tenchinski's Ukrainian counterpart, led off with a classic understatement - "Our history has been full of drama and excitement" - then shifted to the more recent past.

In underscoring the two countries' special ties, Mr. Borovyk reminded the audience that Poland was the first country in the world to recognize Ukraine. "Our two countries found themselves in a power vacuum in 1991 following the dissolution of the Soviet Union," the Ukrainian consul continued, "now we can take a leading role in forging geopolitics."

Mr. Borovyk said the existence of an independent Ukraine is a guarantor of Polish independence and vice versa, and that their cooperation is an integral component of the new period of European stability.

An era of epochal changes

The Ukrainian academic, Prof. Subtelny, went first. "We are in an epochal era, and we should be grateful that we are witness to this tremendous change," the York historian said, pointing out the seemingly total reversal of 600 years of confrontation in every conceivable sphere; the political, social, cultural and religious.

"Historically, what had been good for Poland was bad for Ukraine, and vice versa, and yet now the opposite obtains," he said. The two countries have a clearly common interest and contend over little.

And yet it could have been quite different, Prof. Subtelny suggested, given the bloody example of the former Yugoslavia and simmering hostilities between Hungary and Romania.

Polish and Ukrainian ethnographic territories overlapped strongly until a wave of brutal deportation policies altered the mix somewhat following World War II. Prof. Subtelny accurately if audaciously stated that "[Soviet dictator Joseph] Stalin clarified the situation somewhat," in extending Ukraine's borders westward and expelling much of the indigenous Polish population.

As it stands, Prof. Subtelny said, the countries face similar problems in terms of transition from communism and attempts to reorient themselves to the West.

He echoed Consul Borovyk in saying "[Poland and Ukraine] loom large between Western Europe and Russia."

"Historically," Prof. Subtelny said, "Central and Eastern Europe have been rife with trouble spots, because the countries were usually poor, weak and at each other's throats. This made them easy pickings for neighboring empires, whether Germanic, Turkish, Russian or what have you."

"It stands to reason," he continued, "that if [Poland and Ukraine] cooperate, this will greatly strengthen the region and afford the entire continent a measure of stability."

Perhaps carried into boundless optimism by this positivist logic, Prof. Subtelny suggested that Poland can help Ukraine penetrate the European market. However, given that Poland has itself met with considerable resistance, this would be quite a feat.

The York historian went on to assert that Poland and Ukraine will likely play a role as examples of the viability and desirability of the allegedly fading nation-state.

"Poland and Ukraine both lost their political independence as nation-states, and struggled long and hard to get it back," he said. "No matter what the trend is toward continental integration, Poland and Ukraine will likely play a strong role in championing the idea of the nation-state."

Concluding on an upbeat note, Prof. Subtelny said, "The momentum has changed, the focus is no longer on problems, but on common ground."

Intertwined histories

Prof. Wrobel led off with the truism that anyone who has taught Polish history, as he does, knows that it involves teaching the history of Ukraine as well, given that the latter was absorbed for a time into the Polish multi-ethnic state.

Prof. Wrobel also pointed out that since the rise of the Solidarity movement in 1980-1981, considerable attention has been paid to the national minority problem in Poland, and the leading thinkers and scholars of that movement, such as Adam Michnik, laid the foundation for the present good will that exists between the two newly independent states.

He conceded, however, that in terms of inter-ethnic relations in Poland, matters are far from rosy. Since in recent years "the most popular problem has been the Jewish question," Prof. Wrobel noted, it is "no longer acceptable in polite society to say something anti-Semitic, but unfortunately it is still quite acceptable to say things that are anti-Ukrainian, even loudly."

The Polish historian asserted that this is an area that is perhaps a benchmark for his country's transition to full acceptance into the club of Western European nations - the proscription of prejudice in public discourse.

Discussion period

In the discussion period that followed, several members of the Polish community rose to indicate their open-mindedness in dealing with Ukraine.

In particular, an earnest editor of the Narodowy Kurier rose with the suggestion that Ukrainians read Henryk Sienkiewicz's historical trilogy "Z Ogniem i Meczem" (a floridly pro-Polish, if not somewhat baroquely anti-Ukrainian, account of the uprising led by Bohdan Khmelnytsky) and, quite innovatively, quoted Shevchenko to counter Prof. Subtelny's thesis that "what was bad for Poland was good for Ukraine," suggesting that Ukraine's and Poland's interests have long been common.

The testimonies of representatives from the McMaster and University of Toronto Polish students' clubs seemed to imply that, nowadays, Polish-Ukrainian antagonism is a psychological impediment carried by the latter group.

They mentioned incidents in which Ukrainian students approached them guardedly, saying, "I'm Ukrainian, I hope you don't have anything against me." This was echoed by a recent immigrant from central Poland who claimed to have been totally unaware of any Polish animus to Ukrainians where she lived, and yet had been asked similar questions by her Ukrainian acquaintances.

This prompted a Ukrainian community member to rise and describe recent instances of racist graffiti aimed at Ukrainians in Rzeszow, Lublin and Przemysl (Peremyshl), which drew little attention or remonstration from local Polish authorities.

Prof. Wrobel defused the situation by assuring the Ukrainian complainant that "We don't take it easy. Such incidents are a matter of great concern to us, and we don't take it easy." He reiterated that Poles most definitely have to do something about their attitudes to national minorities, and while it is not "exclusively our problem," a constructive dialogue has to be engaged, and appropriate measures taken to condemn and curb such acts.

He also differentiated between the "higher" level of Polish discourse, at which there is less prejudice, and the "lower" (in a swipe at his compatriot) fueled by readings of Sienkiewicz.

Seeking to challenge Prof. Subtelny's point about "what was bad for Poland was good for Ukraine and vice versa," Prof. Wrobel mentioned the fracturing of the Ukraino-Polish alliance of 1920 and the effects of the second world war as two examples of events clearly invidious to both.

However, in doing so, he also provided graphic illustration of the kind of "Stalinist clarification of the situation" Prof. Subtelny referred to in his remarks. Prof. Wrobel described how his father's world was shattered when he was deported from his ancestral home near Boryslav.

Russia, NATO and the Vatican

Talk of forming a Polish-Ukrainian bloc in Eastern Europe and moving forward together to join the North Atlantic Treaty Organization prompted the two historians to caution that this is a matter of considerable delicacy.

Prof. Subtelny said Ukraine's participation in the Partnership for Peace and non-membership in NATO is "the only safe and sane policy" given the possible negative reaction from the restive Russian Federation.

He also pointed out that sentiment about Russia is not as uniform in Ukraine as it is in Poland, and is split along an east-west axis. Prof. Subtelny said Ukrainians by and large do not want to antagonize Russia, and some even seek closer ties, but that in his estimation the overwhelming majority feel independence is worth preserving.

Prof. Wrobel said the notion of a Polish-Ukrainian cordon sanitaire blocking Russian access to Europe is tempting but extremely dangerous. "We shouldn't treat Russia as an enemy a priori," the Polish scholar said, "no matter how many [Vladimir] Zhirinovskys and [Gen. Aleksandr] Lebeds come out of the woodwork."

He said an anti-Russian coalition along the lines of the anti-Bolshevik alliance set up by Poland's Josyf Pilsudski and Ukraine's Symon Petliura would cause terrible problems, as it did in 1920.

When the matter of the Vatican's policy in Ukraine and the 400th anniversary of the Union of Brest was broached, Prof. Subtelny gripped the lectern and said, "Right, no easy ones today."

He then boldly stated that "the hold of religion on Polish and Ukrainian thinking is not as strong as it used to be." He said this was less of a burning problem in Ukraine than the internal three-way split in the Ukrainian Orthodox Church and its contest with the Ukrainian Greek-Catholic Church in the West. "Vatican policies are an irritant," Prof. Subtelny asserted, "but not a threat to Polish-Ukrainian relations as such."

Polish consul's last word

As the host, Consul Tenchinski had the last word. He reiterated that Polish-Ukrainian relations are very important "for the region, Europe and the world."

The Polish diplomat opined that relations between the two countries will remain a priority in their respective foreign policies. Despite the caution of the academic interlocutors, Mr. Tenchinski said, "For the first time Poland does not have a common border with Russia, except for the small region around Kaliningrad, and that's why Poland was the first to recognize Ukraine and pressed for its membership in the European Union."

"Prof. Subtelny is 100 percent right in saying that for the first time, our interests are common," Consul Tenchinski said. "Closer ties in terms of economies are logical," he continued, "but this has to extend to harmonized governmental relations. All walks of life of the two countries must come into contact and dialogue."

"The emotions are strong and the path is difficult," Consul Tenchinski concluded, "but consensus is possible and within reach."

Copyright © The Ukrainian Weekly, March 10, 1996, No. 10, Vol. LXIV

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