INTERVIEW: Kyiv newspaper editor on Shmarov, Kosakivsky
On June 4, The Weekly was visited by one of Kyiv's more controversial figures, Vitaliy Karpenko. Mr. Karpenko, since 1985 editor-in-chief of Vechirniy Kyiv, the only Ukrainian-language daily in Kyiv, is in the United States on a brief tour of diaspora communities at the invitation of the Organization for the Defense of Four Freedoms of Ukraine.
A former deputy in Parliament, Mr. Karpenko is an active member and co-founder of the Congress of Ukrainian Intelligentsia, an organization working to consolidate the Ukrainian national idea and the Ukrainian national state.
This two-part interview was conducted by The Weekly Editorial Assistant Yarema A. Bachynsky and Svoboda Editor Olha Kuzmowycz.
CONCLUSION
Q: Turning to the matter of [Kyiv Mayor Leonid] Kosakivsky. Is it true that he has taken up residence in a hospital? What is the cause of his "illness"? And by what authority can the Cabinet of Ministers relieve a popularly elected official of his office?
A: I will unreservedly say our newspaper initiated the battle against Kosakivsky. We published a series of reports, titled "Affairs of the City Authorities," 25 articles in all, I have here "Affair No. 21." At first we fought Kosakivsky one on one, but as more and more information came out, other media joined in.
Finally, a special investigatory commission was established by the Cabinet of Ministers to examine the practices of the city administration in carrying out certain directives of the Cabinet of Ministers. There were about 20-30 people in that commission.
Of course, Mr. Kosakivsky being the able apparatchik that he is, took a 10-day vacation right at that time; he also ordered his cronies to block the commission's efforts, not allow them to check records etc. Consider that the commission was chaired by Deputy Prime Minister for Humanitarian Issues Ivan Kuras.
Q: When did this happen?
A: Right before his [Mr. Kosakivsky's-ed.] firing, about a month to a month and a half ago or so. The situation being untenable, the heads of the raion councils and raion administrators asked for an audience with the president regarding Mr. Kosakivsky. Because it would have been unethical to meet and discuss Mr. Kosakivsky's situation without his presence, he was recalled from vacation and summoned to the audience. After being harshly criticized and reacting in kind, he continued his war of words with the Cabinet of Ministers and the presidential administration, whether through the Kyiv broadcasting company or through his private newspaper, Khreshchata Dolyna. Incidentally, Mr. Kosakivsky has consistently worked at self-promotion through the media and avoided dealing with the everyday needs of Kyivites.
After the audience, the commission continued its work and set a date for a hearing on the Kosakivsky matter. But he never showed up at that hearing; neither did any of his lieutenants. It turns out he had admitted himself into a hospital controlled by some of his cronies. After further harsh denunciations of his incompetence and machinations, the Cabinet of Ministers adopted a resolution, characterizing the work of the Kyiv city administration as unsatisfactory and calling on the president to relieve Mr. Kosakivsky of his duties as head of the municipal administration.
As to your earlier inquiry about the legal basis for his dismissal, there is no contradiction here. Kosakivsky was chosen by Kyiv voters to be the chairman of the Kyiv City Council. But because the majority of City Council deputies had been elected as part of the so-called Cherniak team (an economics professor, Volodymyr Cherniak, was their leader and a candidate for Kyiv mayor, but he lost to Kosakivsky), and were in opposition to Kosakivsky, he could not force bills through the council. But being the clever individual that he is, Kosakivsky never chose a deputy chairman, so that the majority could not even open a session in his absence.
Now, as long as he is in the hospital, the City Council is paralyzed, as well as the Cabinet of Ministers, which cannot formally recommend his dismissal to the president, until Mr. Kosakivsky resumes his duties.
Q: And, presumably, President Kuchma has the legal right to dismiss Mr. Kosakivsky?
A: The Constitutional Accord provides that the president may relieve Kosakivsky, upon recommendation of the Cabinet of Ministers, of his duties as the head of the Kyiv city administration.
Q: That is, as the president's representative?
A: As the president's representative and administrator. Kosakivsky had been acting both as chairman of the Kyiv City Council and as head of the municipal administration. Once he is actually relieved of his duties from the latter position by the president, his actual political strength and influence will practically disappear. His team of political appointees will melt away after the new appointee brings his own people in. Mr. Kosakivsky will be left to open and adjourn City Council sessions and not much else. In any case, a recall vote is being organized; just as likely is his resignation, possibly in exchange for a diplomatic appointment in some faraway country.
Q: Has Mr. Kosakivsky been directly implicated in official corruption?
A: There have been allegations made, in other press organs, about questionable transfers of funds, uncertain cooperation with commercial structures and the like. Our publication did not charge Kosakivsky with such transgressions. I think this is a matter for the law enforcement authorities to undertake. Here it seems that his awareness of the importance of the city administration to government ministers, in terms of logistic support, provision of apartments, etc., encouraged him to wield power in an all-too-bold and single-minded manner.
Q: Very briefly, Mr. Karpenko, could you comment on the recent resignation of Prime Minister Yevhen Marchuk and his political future?
A: This information caught me here in the U.S., by surprise. I am sure that Mr. Marchuk will play an active role in Parliament, and that he will run for president in the future. I think Mr. Kuchma has strengthened his opponent with this action. On the one hand, Mr. Marchuk has been organizationally weakened. But on the other hand, Marchuk has been made to look like a martyr of sorts, and our people like underdogs.
There have been a number of noises made of late that perhaps Marchuk is the only worthy candidate for the Ukrainian presidency. These voices, incidentally, have also been heard coming from elements in the diaspora.
Q: Turning to another topic, what do you see in Vechirniy Kyiv's future?
A: I think we will develop normally over the years. Unfortunately our press run averages about 25,000. In past years it was about 575,000. But then all our press operated on an equal footing. There are both objective and subjective factors involved in our present situation. We have always approached this situation calmly, and have even shrunk the press run voluntarily, in anticipation of problems caused by the extremely high costs of unsubsidized newsprint. We use Russian newsprint [Ukraine is not a significant producer of paper or newsprint-ed.], for which we pay more than world market prices. At this time we pay about $800-$900 per ton, as compared to average world prices of around $600.
I think if, suddenly, Vechirniy Kyiv were to disappear, Ukraine would suffer a great loss. We are the only Ukrainian-language-only daily [printed five times weekly] in Kyiv at this time. There are a number of Russian-language dailies [Kievskiye Viedomosti, Nezavisimost, etc. - ed.], and other Ukrainian-language newspapers are published two or three times a week or once weekly.
Q: Interjection by John Burtyk, one of Mr. Karpenko's hosts: Perhaps you could mention your plans for Vechirniy Kyiv and diaspora communities?
A: Yes, thank you for reminding me. We want to increase Vechirniy Kyiv's influence throughout Ukraine. The newspaper is geared towards an all-Ukrainian readership. But only about 12-15 percent of our readers reside outside the Kyiv area. This is a rather small proportion. It is not an aversion to Vechirniy Kyiv that prevents more non-Kyivites from subscribing, but rather the inability to subscribe to any periodical due to a shortage of funds. For example a six-month subscription to our publication costs, at present, approximately $15. Consider that the average pension is approximately $30 per month, and wages are not extravagant. So even $15 is a considerable sum, which few people can afford. And so an idea has formed in my mind about a possible solution to this dilemma.
We have made it possible for diaspora residents to purchase subscriptions for their friends and relatives in Ukraine by depositing funds here [in the U.S.] with Mr. Burtyk. Mr. Burtyk will forward the funds, along with the Ukrainian recipient's precise address, to our offices in Kyiv. Thereupon we will start a six-month subscription, delivered by mail to any point in Ukraine. There are no great problems with local mail delivery in Ukraine. Delivery, on average, is two to three days following publication of an issue. It is anticipated that a six-month diaspora-funded subscription, starting in August, will cost $17.
Q: Is Vechirniy Kyiv available on the Internet?
A: Yes, we have recently entered the electronic world. Those interested in reading our home page can turn to: http://www.komkon.org/ukraine/vkyiv/
Those members of the diaspora interested in purchasing subscriptions to Vechirniy Kyiv for their relatives and friends in Ukraine may contact John Burtyk for additional subscription information and orders. Mr. Burtyk's address: 185 Pershing Road., Clifton, NJ 07013. Telephone: (201) 779-4063.
Copyright © The Ukrainian Weekly, June 23, 1996, No. 25, Vol. LXIV
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