EDITORIAL

Stand firm, Mr. President


Two weeks ago in this space, we warned that Russia is doing everything possible to halt, or at least stall, NATO enlargement - something that the rest of the world already had considered inevitable. Now, one week before the Helsinki summit meeting between the presidents of the United States and Russia, things are heating up regarding the issue of NATO expansion. It now seems that Russia sees it cannot delay the alliance's expansion. So, it is focusing its efforts on getting as much out of the deal as possible. That means setting certain limits to NATO's growth.

Writing in The Washington Post, Jim Hoagland notes that, according to Moscow, there are a series of "red lines" that must not be crossed. Among them are these: After the first tier of members is admitted, there must be a moratorium of 10 years before any other Central European state is considered for membership. No former Soviet republic or Baltic state must ever be considered for NATO membership. Nuclear weapons or permanently based foreign forces cannot be stationed in new member-states.

Because of Russia's maneuvering, there is concern that President Bill Clinton may give away too much to his old friend Boris, President Yeltsin, that is. (Foreign Affairs Minister Yevgenii Primakov is due in Washington on March 15-17 for preliminary talks, and then it's on to Helsinki for the real thing on March 20-21.) That is why the Helsinki Commission's chairman and co-chairman, respectively, Sen. Alfonse D'Amato and Rep. Christopher Smith, on March 12 penned a letter to the president - a letter whose contents we applaud.

They write: "... we remain concerned that reason and realism be exercised in efforts undertaken by the administration to forge ahead with some form of formal partnership between Russia and NATO."

"... We cannot ignore the historical relationship between Russia and her neighbors, many of whom have understandable concerns for their sovereignty and independence, given decades of brutal domination and suppression by Moscow. Such apprehension can only be heightened by the current leadership crisis in the Kremlin and neo-imperialist statements made by certain prominent Russian political figures."

Acknowledging that "we cannot ignore legitimate Russian security concerns as NATO proceeds with the admission of new states," they note, "neither can we allow Moscow to dictate the terms of enlargement or which states might be admitted." A charter between NATO and Russia, Sen. D'Amato and Rep. Smith emphasize, must address the following: "First, the Russian Federation must not be given a veto, or implied veto, over the timing or conditions for the admission of new members into the alliance. Second, such an accord must firmly oppose any moves by Moscow to establish 'spheres of influence' in East/Central Europe. Third, the charter must in no way impede the development of enhanced relations between NATO and non-members, such as Ukraine." (Significantly, the Helsinki Commission leaders also asked President Clinton to "underscore unwavering U.S. support or Ukraine's sovereignty and territorial integrity within internationally recognized borders.")

The Helsinki Commission's position coincides with that of Ukraine, articulated recently by Foreign Affairs Minister Hennadii Udovenko. He expressed concern about NATO developing ties with Russia at Ukraine's expense, and worried aloud that a NATO-Russia agreement would lead to a new division into spheres of influence in Europe, with Russia being allowed to dominate its designated sphere in exchange for its acceptance of new members into the alliance.

The message that we ask Bill Clinton to send to Moscow is simple: Russia will not be given a virtual veto over NATO activity, and in today's new world order there is no room for division of Europe into spheres of influence. In Helsinki, Mr. President, you must stand firm on these two principles.


Copyright © The Ukrainian Weekly, March 16, 1997, No. 11, Vol. LXV


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