LETTER TO THE EDITOR (08/06/00)

LETTER TO THE EDITOR

Ukraine must be re-Ukrainianized

Dear Editor:

The Ukrainian Weekly editorial of July 2 stated: "That Ukrainian authorities in independent, democratically inclined Ukraine would issue any ban on the use of the Russian language is unconstitutional."

Before your editorials offer facile opinions as to the lack of constitutionality, or make statements that "language bans are inconceivable," the contemporary situation in Ukraine requires a more finely tuned appreciation of the legal and societal issues at stake. Therefore, it would benefit all those truly interested in this matter to probe more deeply as to why and where conflicts of linguistic rights might arise.

A difference of opinions as to language status would almost inevitably arise in a situation wherein the Constitution of Ukraine - although stating that the "official" language is Ukrainian - also guarantees the "free development" of the Russian languages. What does this mean? What happens when rights appear to be mutually exclusive? It is here that a constitutional court must meet the challenge of interpreting rights and placing them in a hierarchy, while seeking to maintain a societal equilibrium and social peace.

The phraseology of the Constitution of Ukraine was the outcome of exhausting and protracted nightlong political compromises just prior to June 28, 1996 - a date now celebrated as a national holiday in Ukraine. Yet, a day of legal reckoning had to come when competing linguistic categorizations would somehow have to be subordinated to the state's consciousness of its own nationhood. In that context a nation's language is primordial to its identity, and - failing an official duality - only one set, Ukrainian, can satisfy the historical aspirations of the Ukrainian state, no matter how liberal and accommodating may be the allowances for other tongues.

Somebody must firmly grasp the nettle and with recognized authority determine the parameters of language use in Ukraine. In this case it is the privilege and duty of Ukraine's Constitutional Court to clearly pronounce itself on linguistic restrictions and their legitimate scope. The said court had exercised such authority in the recent past as to the language of schooling in Ukraine.

Many nations and societies have managed to function with multilingual groupings, without losing their national identity or statehood. Belgium and Switzerland are two European examples. In North America two approaches have been taken: (1) the American generally English-only "melting pot," and (2) Canada's official federal duality of French and English.

However, even in Canada, the predominantly French-speaking Province of Quebec - for historical and "survivalist" reasons - has successfully "evened the playing field" via legal affirmative action. (For example, Quebec's Bill 101 required that exterior commercial signs be in French and at least twice the size of English ones; also, immigrants have to enroll their children in French schools, etc.) Thus, in Quebec a minority (official) language - French - has managed to bolster its status and ensure its continuity for a quarter century by resorting to what may at first appear to have been the drastic curtailments of the linguistic rights of others. However, by this governmental action the "Francophonie" of Quebec has survived (unlike Louisiana) and even flourished, with general acceptance and respect from most English speaking co-citizens and other ethnic communities.

From a comparative point of view, there is good cause at this time to resort to similar affirmative action to protect, enhance and promote the Ukrainian language in Ukraine. This cannot be criticized as a misguided policy in the context of the flood of Russification in contemporary Ukraine, nor could it be reproached as being "unfair" to Russophones - especially given the disproportionate mass media market saturation by Ukraine's northern neighbor. There is ample evidence of the pervasive influence of Russian culture and of the inordinate dominance of that country's music and language in Ukraine today. To a Western traveler like myself this has been evident not just in the nation's capital, Kyiv (and eastern and southern oblasts), but even in the city of Lviv itself, considered to be the bastion of Ukrainian-speaking Halychyna.

Historically, Russia forcefully asserted its hegemony, chauvinism, tyranny, economic dominance and colonial exploitation over Ukraine. Is there cause now - in an independent Ukraine - to perpetuate such humiliations in the name of linguistic "free development?"

Surely there can and must be reasonable limitations upon the scope of the "free development" of Russian (and other) languages spoken by Ukraine's citizens. Also, non-Ukrainian languages cannot without challenge, or by indifference and inertia, take precedence in ambiguous situations - since to do so would then totally nullify or make an absurd parody of the "official" status Article 10 of Ukraine's Constitution accords to the Ukrainian language.

Having been in Ukraine six times since 1995, I personally have witnessed numerous incongruities where Russian usage overwhelms the Ukrainian identity. In 1999 no Ukrainian video cassettes were available in Lviv's main bookstores, whereas Russian videos proliferated, and this "scarcity" is inconsistent with the relatively ready availability of our videos here in North America. My "favorite" Russian-only technology experience was being told in Lviv last summer that Ukrainian computer CD-ROMS are "unavailable" - "and never will be."

It is high time, in the year 2000, to re-Ukrainianize Ukraine, and the recent initiatives taken to that effect in the Lviv city and oblast are neither retrograde nor chauvinistic, but consistent with other nations' standards, as well as a symbolic step in the right direction. To now question the "constitutionality" of such a step in contemporary Ukraine is to perpetuate the folly of yielding willingly to the massive Russian onslaught in the press, television, radio and tourist culture (e.g., "matrioshkas" at souvenir kiosks). Ukraine cannot today afford the luxury of such daily erosions of its own language and culture if it truly respects its unique history and values the self-esteem needed for its future as a nation.

Consistent with the above, in all fairness, let us ask how many monuments exist today in Moscow or Warsaw to honor Ukrainian literary icons (e.g., Shevchenko, Franko, Ukrainka), whereas a multitude of Pushkins and Mickewiczes undisturbedly grace the centers of Ukrainian towns - in addition to the numerous Lenins, even in Kyiv at the foot of "Shevchenko's" Prospect in the year 2000. Has not the populace of Ukraine always been most accommodating of others - especially of close neighbors who at times coveted, conquered and by force "converted" the native population (when not genocidally starving, killing or exiling our forefathers, or issuing "ukases" to bury their language)? Is it not just that such past imperial attitudes, impositions and assimilative trends be reversed?

Where better to begin than with a strict "Ukrainian first" language policy, and by "taking a stand" as was done by Lviv's righteous Ukrainian language patriots in the year 2000? Someday their grandchildren will remember, thank, and honor their perspicacity in reviving the pride and dignity of their "batkivshchyna." Their actions were worthy of the independent spirit of our Kozak ancestors, and should be recognized as such.

Perhaps we should challenge other Ukrainian oblasts and cities to follow Lviv's example in proposing similar linguistic resolutions.

Such directives would not imperil the "free development" of others, nor vaporize the rights of minorities, but - by prioritizing Ukrainian - would put forth a structured perspective for "the comprehensive development of and use of the Ukrainian language in all spheres of social life on the entire territory of Ukraine."

Roman B. Karpishka
Lachine, Quebec

The writer is a practicing attorney in Montreal. Mr. Karpishka has taught English as a second language in Ukraine, during four summers with the Ukrainian National Association - Prosvita program.

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