NEWS AND VIEWS: Sen. Lugar on U.S.-Ukraine relations (06/03/01)

NEWS AND VIEWS

Sen. Lugar on U.S.-Ukraine relations

Following is text of the speech on the current state of U.S.-Ukraine relations delivered by Sen. Richard G. Lugar.

The 10th anniversary of the U.S.-Ukraine Foundation provides us with an opportunity to celebrate and review the important achievements Ukraine has accomplished since its independence just a decade ago.

Ukraine occupies one of the most important geo-strategic locations in the world. It is truly a bridge from the West to the East. I believe stability in Ukraine is in the national security interests of the United States. I have taken a keen interest in Ukraine's emergence from the former Soviet Union as a responsible member of the international community.

I remember my first visit to Kyiv in 1992, just after the dissolution of the Soviet Union. Boryspil Airport was full of broken windows and roving packs of dogs. Kyiv was a depressed city. There was very little foreign investment, and the people displayed little hope for the future. The United States did not have an ambassador in place, and we did not have an embassy. In fact, our diplomatic presence consisted of a lone foreign service officer working out of his apartment.

That first visit to Ukraine convinced me of the need for the United States to seriously consider our relationship with this very important country. When I returned to Washington, I visited with Secretary of State [James] Baker and informed him of the conditions in Ukraine and the need for a strong diplomatic presence as well as American assistance. There was little doubt that foreign aid and investment would be essential to the future of the country.

The testing of nuclear weapons by India and Pakistan shocked many around the world. The nuclear aspirations of regional powers and rogue nations highlight the important decision made in Ukraine. When the Soviet Union collapsed, Ukraine became the third largest nuclear power in the world. Kazakstan and Belarus inherited the fourth and eighth largest nuclear arsenals. The addition of Ukraine, Kazakstan and Belarus would still have thousands of nuclear weapons. Instead, all three countries are nuclear weapons-free. Many have forgotten the wise and brave choice Ukraine made in becoming nuclear-free. There were many in Kyiv who advocated the maintenance of these weapons. The people and the leaders of Ukraine wisely chose a nuclear-free status.

While debates over the future of Ukraine's nuclear arsenal were going on in Kyiv, Russian President [Boris] Yeltsin was expressing great concern over the possibility of a nuclear neighbor. My partner, former Sen. Sam Nunn and I visited with President Yeltsin in November of 1992 and explained our plans to travel to Ukraine and offer substantial amounts of American assistance in meeting the requirements of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty.

In Kyiv we met with President [Leonid] Kravchuk to discuss Ukraine's nuclear future. I explained that the United States was willing to provide $150 million in assistance if Ukraine agreed to dismantle its nuclear weapons. President Kravchuk quickly called a press conference and announced that I had offered Ukraine $175 million in foreign assistance. Fortunately, President [George] Bush agreed to this alteration of U.S. policy.

I am proud of the role the United States played in Ukraine's decision and the role of the Nunn-Lugar program in facilitating the removal of thousands of nuclear warheads. In Ukraine Nunn-Lugar has provided more than $500 million to dismantle hundreds of SS-19 and SS-24 intercontinental ballistic missiles, silos, long-range Bear and Blackjack bombers, and nuclear-tipped air-launched cruise missiles. Work is expected to continue through 2005.

To date, the Nunn-Lugar scorecard is impressive. Nunn-Lugar has facilitated the destruction of 422 ballistic missiles, 367 ballistic missile launchers, 83 bombers, 425 long-range nuclear air-launched cruise missiles, 308 submarine missile launchers, 184 submarine launched ballistic missiles and 18 strategic missile submarines. It also has sealed 194 nuclear test tunnels. Most notably, 5,336 warheads that were on strategic systems aimed at the United States have been deactivated. To put this into perspective, Nunn-Lugar has dismantled more nuclear weaponry than the countries of Great Britain, France and China currently possess in their stockpiles and arsenals combined.

Ukraine has also exhibited great leadership and far-sightedness in another area of nuclear concern. The world was relieved by Ukraine's decision to close the nuclear power plant at Chornobyl. I am pleased the U.S. and E.U. cooperated with Ukraine to provide the funding and technical assistance necessary to secure the closing. Unfortunately, our relief is offset by the knowledge that many other similar reactors are still in place and operating in states of the former Soviet Union. Through programs such as the International Nuclear Safety Program at the Department of Energy, the U.S. hopes to complete safety upgrades for all 65 Soviet-designed nuclear power plants in nine countries by 2006.

I am pleased that Ukraine has established good relations with all of its neighbors, as well as with NATO. Ukraine's membership in NATO's Partnership for Peace and the signing of the Ukraine-NATO Charter on Distinctive Partnership are important steps in Ukraine's emergence as an effective partner and international leader. In both instances, Ukraine has been an active member hosting military exercises and participating in SFOR and KFOR peacekeeping missions in the Balkans. They are making progress towards their stated goal of integration into European and Euro-Atlantic security structures.

Ukraine has correctly set its long-range sights on membership in the European Union. I am pleased by the signing of several EU-Ukrainian agreements, including most-favored nation status and other trade advantages.

I would recommend to our colleagues in the European Union that they provide Kyiv with a light at the end of the tunnel. An EU signal that future membership is possible would make a tremendous impact on Ukrainian commitment to market reforms. Just as the open-door policy under Article 10 of the North Atlantic Treaty provides nations with hope and incentive for future NATO membership; so should the EU give states the encouragement to continue economic reforms.

Ukraine has been viewed as a model for former Soviet states. But for progress to continue and its emergence as a democratic and economic power be assured, its pro-Western stance in relation to NATO and the EU must be maintained and expanded.

Ukraine has had mixed success in economic reform. Despite lapses, progress on monetary and fiscal policies have dramatically lowered inflation and permitted the establishment of a Ukrainian currency. However, corruption and structural reform must be addressed, only then will the groundwork be laid for long-term growth.

Ukraine must legislate and implement necessary economic reforms. I believe former Prime Minister [Viktor] Yuschenko's ambitious reform program was a proper model. Unfortunately, various parties and cliques in the Rada were less than enthusiastic in legislating and implementing many specific reforms, including: tax reform, accelerated privatization of industry, land privatization and bureaucratic reductions. Only upon the resumption of reforms will the foundation be laid for long-term Ukrainian economic stability.

The U.S. must remain committed to assisting Ukraine in pursuing market economic reforms. The American-Ukrainian partnership and economic cooperation must be renewed and expanded. Not only must Ukraine be prepared to make difficult choices and implement challenging economic policies, but the U.S. must be prepared to expand its role in assisting in reform implementation.

Over the next two years, Ukraine will hold parliamentary and presidential elections. It is unclear if a governmental solution will be found to move forward until then. But it is clear that the cooperative coalition between the president, the prime minister and the Parliament must be refurbished. Only with all three units of government operating towards the same ends, namely economic and structural reform, will Ukraine take the steps necessary to maintain its western orientation and complete economic reforms.

It is telling that Western observers point out that few Ukrainian political officials are particularly well-liked or admired. Former Prime Minister Yuschenko is generally regarded as the exception to this rule. I am hopeful this popularity has less to do with his personality and more to do with his strong support for economic and governmental reform. I am hopeful that in the coming elections the Ukrainian people will choose the proper path and the government delivers.

Many in Washington are concerned that Ukraine may slide backwards rather than continue its forward progress. Ukraine must recommit itself to the freedom of the press, religion and the importance of human rights. Only by reinforcing the basic tenets of democratic governance will Ukraine shield itself from future threats on its march to a democratic, market economic state.

The murder of journalist Heorhii Gongadze remains a high hurdle to progress in Ukraine. It is difficult to see how the reform agenda can be pursued until the investigation is concluded. It is in the best interests of Ukraine to swiftly bring the case to justice. The government must show its commitment to the rule of law and order. Requests for American and European cooperation and assistance would go far in reassuring the Ukrainian people that justice will be served.

Your meetings come at a very important time. As a friend of Ukraine, I am concerned by the recent political developments in Kyiv. Ukraine has made such important progress that we must all redouble our efforts to ensure that Ukraine does not lose ground during this time of political upheaval.

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