FOR THE RECORD: Ambassador Pascual's address at European University
Following is the text of an address by Ambassador Carlos Pascual to representatives of non-state educational institutions, rectors of Kyiv universities and faculty and students of the European University delivered on December 12.
PART I
Good afternoon, ladies and gentlemen. I am pleased to join this gathering of people dedicated to helping the young people of Ukraine prepare for their futures, and for the future of their country. In the audience there are rectors, pro-rectors, professors and other staff members from both state and non-state educational institutions.
Some of you represent institutions with long and proud histories. Others are from brand new institutions that came into being after independence to fill the demand for new educational opportunities. You have the most important job in your nation - preparing your next generation for the enormous challenges ahead. The future of Ukraine literally depends on you. I want you to know that the United States has been and always will be Ukraine's friend as you strive to realize the dream of a democratic, prosperous, sovereign and secure Ukraine, fully integrated into the Euro-Atlantic community.
Since Ukraine regained its independence in 1991, the United States has worked with the government and people of Ukraine to help you make the changes needed for Ukraine to move forward, in its economy, its political system and its civil society. We are ready to be Ukraine's partner. But no external support can substitute for the actions Ukraine takes internally to define its future.
The standards for Euro-Atlantic integration are clear. Virtually all of Ukraine's neighbors are rising to these standards. Only Ukraine can decide whether to follow a similar course. Indeed, the choices made by Ukraine will fundamentally determine Ukraine's relationships with the United States, its European neighbors and NATO. It is in this context that I would like to review relations between the United States and Ukraine.
Eleven years of friendship
The United States was one of the first countries to begin diplomatic relations, open an embassy and offer needed economic and humanitarian assistance after Ukraine's independence in 1991. Ukraine mattered - not only because more than one million Americans trace their roots to Ukraine - but because of Ukraine's size, economic potential and strategic location in Europe. Knowing Ukraine's tragic history, we strongly believed that Ukraine deserved as much support as possible from the world community now that it had achieved its cherished independence. I remember how, in 1991, millions of Ukrainians joined hands across your country, symbolizing your commitment to freedom. Your civic action made world history.
It is important to recall some facts about the U.S.-Ukrainian relationship. The United States is the largest bilateral donor in Ukraine. American companies are the largest foreign investors. Our support for grassroots dialogue between Ukrainians and Americans is unprecedented: the United States has sponsored academic and professional exchange programs that have enabled over 25,000 Ukrainians to study or have professional visits in the United States, and these programs continue at the rate of more than 2,000 per year.
The United States is the strongest supporter of small business development in Ukraine, as well as the largest and most active donor in the agricultural sector. We are intensely involved in energy issues, such as helping Ukraine make the Odesa-Brody pipeline a commercial reality. We have close and active military-to-military ties; indeed, Ukraine's bilateral military cooperation with the United States is more extensive than with any other country. Our support is focused on helping Ukraine become more secure, more prosperous and more democratic. It is completely consistent with the stated goals of the Ukrainian state.
As many of you know first-hand, Americans and Ukrainians are working together to help build civil society, strengthen education, develop the capacity of local self-government, and to try to solve such difficult problems as the spread of HIV/AIDS and the illegal trafficking of persons. Let me say a few words about illegal trafficking in persons and the threat of HIV/AIDS, since young people, the people who are in your care, are particularly vulnerable. Secretary of State Colin Powell has highlighted these issues as national security issues for the world; by destroying the lives of our cherished young people they put our own future at risk. I hope you will use your leadership positions to educate and protect your students from such horrors. They deserve the opportunities before them.
Indeed, Ukrainians and Americans now have unprecedented opportunities to know each other better. Today there are ties that would have been unimaginable only a decade ago: sister cities, university partnerships, community partnerships, school partnerships, as well as thousands of professional and personal relationships between individuals.
Another historic choice
It is in the context of opportunity that Ukraine faces another historic choice: integration with the Euro-Atlantic community. European security after World War II was characterized by dividing lines that framed five decades of global politics. Our challenge today is to tear down those dividing lines, and one-by-one nations are stepping up to this challenge.
On November 21, NATO invited seven nations to become new members. The European Union is opening its door to 10 new members. Europe is expanding. The dividing lines of the past are being relegated to history. Yet sadly, at this historic moment, the gap between Ukraine and its Euro-Atlantic aspirations has only grown larger.
To be sure, on May 23 Ukraine declared that it sought eventual full membership with the Euro-Atlantic community. But as Ukraine's neighbors to the West aggressively tackled political and economic reforms, at best Ukraine has stood still.
Some would argue Ukraine has moved backwards. Some of the reasons for the growing gap between Ukraine and its neighbors are understandable. For the first three months of this year, Ukraine prepared for parliamentary elections. It took almost another two months to select the Rada's leadership. Even now in December, the strength of the majority remains to be tested. All year, the government worked under a cloud of uncertainty. Now a new government must define and advance its agenda.
But in a broader European context, the result has been clear. As Ukraine's neighbors vied to demonstrate their adherence to the Euro-Atlantic community's political, economic and security standards, policy reform in Ukraine lost a full year to internal politics.
The economic policy agenda facing Ukraine is well-known to the Ukrainian government and the Parliament. In many ways, the credibility of the next generation of political leaders is at stake. In 2000 and 2001, Ukrainians realized that a sound budget and reduced regulation can stimulate business activity, allow more capital to go to the private sector, and ensure the payment of salaries and wages. At the end of 2002, however, shortfalls in revenue are again forcing the government to borrow and hinder the government in meeting its commitments to education, health care and pensions.
The key to strengthening Ukraine's fiscal position is tax reform. The tax burden falls too heavily on too few enterprises, mainly in the private sector, while the largest state enterprise in the energy sector remains the biggest debtor to the budget. This limits the amount of money the government can collect and stifles development of the most dynamic sector of the economy. More broadly, passing the civil code and strengthening the rule of law in Ukraine are fundamental to EU and WTO membership and attracting private investment.
One of the obstacles to Ukraine's Euro-Atlantic aspirations is the growing state pressure on freedom of the press. Ukrainian officials have stated that the question of freedom of speech is a domestic concern. We agree. The right of a people to speak out through a free press is a hallmark of a democratic society. If Ukrainian officials do not abide by this standard, their calls for Euro-Atlantic integration will ring hollow - a facade of words devoid of meaning.
Ukrainians themselves share this concern. According to a recent poll by the Razumkov Center, nearly three-quarters of all Ukrainians think there is political censorship in Ukraine. Three-quarters of Ukrainians believe that media are not able to air or print critical stories about criminal clans, while more than 70 percent think stories critical of the presidential administration will have negative consequences for media outlets.
Some in Ukraine argue that censorship cannot exist if one can see criticism of Ukrainian authorities in the media. This is not the standard for press freedom embodied by the Council of Europe and the OSCE, nor is it the standard that Ukraine has adopted as its own. Article 34 of the Ukrainian Constitution states that: "Everyone is guaranteed the right to freedom of thought and speech, and to the free expression of his or her views and beliefs." The Council of Europe's Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms, which Ukraine ratified in 1997, similarly states in Article 10 that: "Everyone has the right to freedom of expression. This right shall include freedom to hold opinions and to receive and impart information and ideas without interference by public authority and regardless of frontiers..."
To be clear: the standard adopted by Ukraine is non-interference, not whether the authorities are criticized in the press.
To be sure, the murders of high-profile journalists such as Heorhii Gongadze and Ihor Alexandrov have cast a pall over the media sector. But, as the Rada hearings on free speech on December 4 made clear, the constraints on the media are even broader and more current. Let me cite some examples. So-called "temnyky," acknowledged by all and admitted to by none, told media what to cover and what not to cover prior to demonstrations in September. Broadcast stations have been told not to show specific news clips because they contained the wrong message. Centrally sponsored videotapes are regularly sent to national and regional stations with "correct" political messages.
The Procurator General's Office denied accreditation to Ukrainska Pravda for the "tone" of its writing, although nothing official was provided in writing. On December 5, 10 journalists, including reporters of UT-1, 1+1, Inter, STB and Fakty, walked out of the press conference of the deputy prosecutor general and the Kyiv prosecutor in protest.
While the attack on media freedoms is of great concern, the spirited response by journalists all over Ukraine is a sign that civil society is consolidating in Ukraine. These individuals have understood that it is up to them to ensure media freedom in Ukraine, that it is up to them to protect this most important of liberties. Two years ago, I do not think that reporters would have risked losing their jobs, formed an independent trade union and played a leading role in parliamentary hearings that for the first time ever were carried live on national TV.
PART I
Copyright © The Ukrainian Weekly, January 5, 2003, No. 1, Vol. LXXI
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