EXCLUSIVE INTERVIEW: Yanukovych speaks on his candidacy and plans

by Roman Woronowycz
Kyiv Press Bureau

Prime Minister Viktor Yanukovych declared his intention to run for president after he received the backing of President Leonid Kuchma in the second part of 2003. On July 3 he officially was registered as a candidate.

Mr. Yanukovych was appointed to head the Ukrainian government by Mr. Kuchma on November 21, 2002, becoming the 10th prime minister of Ukraine since independence was declared in August 1991.

Previously, Mr. Yanukovych was chairman of the Donetsk Oblast, overseeing its revival as a leading economic region of the country. He holds a degree in mechanical engineering from Donetsk Polytechnic Institute (today Donetsk State Technical University), which he received in 1980, and a master's degree in international law from the Ukrainian Academy of Foreign Trade, awarded in 2001.

According to nationwide polls, Mr. Yanukovych currently trails opposition leader Viktor Yushchenko, the head of the Our Ukraine political bloc, in the race for the presidential seat. A survey of voters by the polling firm. Ukrainian Sociological Service showed that Mr. Yushchenko, who headed the government of Ukraine in 2000-2001, would win the election if it were held today by a margin of 38 percent to 26 percent over Mr. Yanukovych.

The following is an exclusive interview with Mr. Yanukovych, conducted in the prime minister's office in the Cabinet of Ministers Building on August 5.

Q: Mr. Yanukovych, in your opinion, why should Ukrainians vote for you? Is it a matter of your experience, your ideas and plans, or perhaps because of some special talents you hold?

A: The voter will vote how his conscience tells him, first of all. Second, in my life I never became used to someone pressuring me. I have always been against the application of pressure. I firmly believe that each person has the right to choose freely. A person is born free and should be free. We must respect human rights.

That is why I can't agree that someone should vote one way or another. People have the right to decide; they should make their choices based on their principles. I have never believed that a person must do something in a certain way because I hold a certain [government] post.

They should vote for my policies, my human qualities, my political views, my ability to unite people, but never because of the post I hold.

When local officials try to show me good will by "creating bad situations," that is by pressuring people [to support the Yanukovych candidacy], they are not doing me any good. I am not that kind of person. I am against this.

I have always maintained this, and will be saying much more on this topic in the future. I do not like hearing that someone is gathering signatures and utilizing administrative pressure to obtain voter support for me. I am against that. I have asked no one to do this.

I maintain an opposite viewpoint. When I am on the road I expressly request [of my supporters] that under no conditions should they undertake these types of efforts because it will not go for my benefit. I tell them that - quite the opposite - it will only lead to negative results. I tell them that if you are against me, then go ahead and pressure the people, but if you want to show your support for me, do not do this under any circumstances.

Q: You just answered part of my next question. However, if in addition to the government and the president, you also have now publicly stated that administrative resources and pressure should not be brought to bear in your campaign, then who should take responsibility if and when local administrators make decisions to pressure the local population to support you in the belief that it will earn them good standing should you win?

A: There is the law and there is the Constitution, and every person is responsible before the law and the Constitution.

Second, where there are violations I would want them identified by all sides. The many international independent observers should work to bring them to light. We will react to the signals we get from them. Here I will use my authority to make sure those responsible for violations will be held accountable.

As for my work as prime minister, I have a responsibility to continue fulfilling the requirements of my office. I cannot ignore these commitments. I retain responsibility.

The state lives, nothing changes in the life of the citizens. Elections are a limited phenomenon. That is why the executive organs must work as efficiently as ever in fulfilling their responsibilities. My demands to officials in the various regions do not pertain to the pre-election campaign; they pertain to fulfilling the responsibilities of the government before society. The government mechanism must keep working no matter the weather, be it political, or environmental, or whatever.

Q: In your opinion, what changes are most vital to make the Ukrainian marketplace more attractive to the foreign investor? Some changes have taken place but others undoubtedly are still needed.

A: We are currently creating a State Agency for Investment. In August it should begin its work. It will probably take some time for it to get moving. In any case, the elections will be taking place, and as you know, investors are currently awaiting the new political line-up and who will be the political face of the state.

The agency will take upon itself the development of all relations between the state and investors. First of all, this will consist of improving current Ukrainian law. This is a process that certainly must take place with the close cooperation of investors and with the assistance of the agency, which will cooperate with the government and the Verkhovna Rada to improve Ukrainian law so that it meets global requirements. In this way the process will move forward more dynamically.

For each investor this agency will also act as a guiding hand of sorts. It will help to acquaint investors with Ukrainian law and local conditions; will aid in finding local partners; and will propose innovative projects, and so on.

In my opinion this will help to develop a level playing field and equal opportunities for investors as well as to promote transparent conditions. It will squelch many of the uncertainties that have arisen regarding Ukraine.

I have much experience in this type of work, which I obtained in my work in Donetsk Oblast. In a short time we developed a close relationship with investors. We developed many entities to support favorable conditions for investors. There are many positive moments here. I have often worked with investors. We need to develop similar conditions in each region and on the national level. In addition to local issues, there are general, national concerns as well.

The formula is as follows: the investor needs to work according to Ukrainian law; and the government needs to develop laws that benefit them.

Q: Do you have a specific plan to fight the corruption and the bribery that are so prevalent within government structures?

A: The fight must take place by various means. We need to develop a legal system that will not give the government official the ability to take bribes, in other words to remove the individual official as a vital cog in the administrative process. We need to get many of our decision-making processes out of manual mode so that they are systematized and made routine.

One example I can give you regards the budget and the work of the Ministry of Finance. Today there no longer are lines at the Ministry of Finance and the Treasury Department. No longer must people queue to ask for [budgetary] money. Why? Because we have created a system that automatically assigns - there is a budgetary schedule, which is approved annually and the officials need to stick to it.

No one asks me for money. Those who talk of bribes say there is nothing to do at the Ministry of Finance (laughing). They say, "What did Yanukovych do, so that the Ministry of Finance is no longer respected in Ukraine."

There used to be huge lines. There used to be thousands of letters requesting budgetary outlays. Today there are no letters at all. There are also no letters thanking us that the problems have been resolved either, if I may add. You would think that at least one person would be civil and thank us for budget outlays that are being made in a timely manner (laughing). But we do hear from people thankful that we relieved them of the belittling experience of having to beg for money here. Yet this was the situation throughout all the years of independence, the budget was allocated by hand. Some received their outlay; others did not. There were huge discrepancies within the budgetary statutes. Today it works only through the budgetary schedule.

Initially I closely watched the allocations from the Treasury. Now I will review outlay reports two or three times a month to be sure that they are going according to the budgetary schedule.

In unusual situations - floods and natural disasters - a state committee has the responsibility to review the matter on site and then in a transparent manner decide who and what should receive state compensation. However, shortly even this will not be required because we will be going to an insurance system. We are intensely working to develop an insurance system so that the official will not have the responsibility of deciding whether he should go to an emergency site to decide compensation issues or not.

Today we are working to encourage the development of insurance companies, but they have yet to permeate all levels of society. For example in Krasnolymansk, the coal mine where the miners died recently, they had an insurance system in place even though the state still took part in the process of counting up the compensation to be paid out to individuals and families. The state commission reviewed the situation in every family and made the awards individually, but this, too, will soon pass.

However, there should always be a small reserve in the national budget for various unforeseen circumstances. Not every situation can be predicted.

Q: Most people believe that the court system in Ukraine is also unusually corrupt. In your estimation, what needs to be done here? Does Ukraine need extensive additional judicial reform or would the removal of certain judges improve the situation?

A: If the system isn't changed, nothing else will help. No matter how often you change people, the situation will not improve. We need legislation to develop a court system. I am not a specialist in these matters, but we will absolutely need to take advantage of international experience and we will pursue judicial reform according to world standards.

Q: Now for two seemingly unrelated questions, which are tied to relations with Moscow. As president, will you be ready to change the course of your international economic policy as envisaged by the Single Economic Space? And second, do you think that it was necessary to change the defense doctrine and send a message of doubt regarding Ukraine's commitment to European integration. Wasn't this another hit against Ukraine's international image?

A: I believe that we have become more specific in our approach, our evaluation, our cooperation and the integration of Ukraine in various directions. Let me use as an example Ukraine's integration with the European Union.

When I began my work [as prime minister] I noticed that there were many declarations with no content. I reviewed relations of countries like Switzerland and Norway with the European Union because this greatly interested me.

I believe that Ukraine, too, must harmonize its legislation with the European Union, raise living standards, develop European freedoms and so on. We need to do this and in this way integration will proceed peacefully. As for economic relations, we do not need to pretend that we are in love, but only [find] specific ways in which to cooperate. Ukraine needs conditions equal to what other countries enjoy.

Ukraine will become a member of the World Trade Organization, I am sure of this because it is our goal. Ukraine is ready to work with the European Union and build relations as an equal partner.

As for changing the defense doctrine, when we talk about NATO integration we need to ask a single question: When will we be ready to this? The answer is that we will be ready only after the Ukrainian military has undergone reform.

Today it is a cumbersome structure, which is why we first need to do reforms at home, and then proceed to integration. That is why we do not need to dwell upon this question, to talk about it incessantly, have it all down on paper, and do nothing in practice, as we have done for all these years of independence.

We did not finance the military. We allowed it to become unable to provide for defense. Slowly our technology stagnated, while social problems among the soldiers remain unresolved. How is it that 36,000 soldiers do not have their own dwellings? How can we not provide for proper pensions for retirees? Those who retired during independence have pensions twice the amount given to those who retired prior to independence.

Therefore, we first need to take care of our soldiers' social needs and then we need to reform the armed forces. These are the two most important questions. As for our relations with NATO, we need to openly cooperate. Openly, not on paper, but in concrete terms.

Q: In the first 100 days of a Yanukovych presidency - these 100 days have developed a meaning in many countries as that period which sets the tone and the rhythm of a presidency - are there certain decisions or programs and policies that you plan to initiate immediately?

A: I will continue in the many directions in which I am currently working as the head of government. However, I will be able to do it, as they say, using my own handwriting, more efficiently and more dynamically. I am sure more effectively as well, because I will have all the tools at my disposal. My goal is to obtain power to realize my dreams. Not power for the sake of power, but primarily to work unceasingly for society, for the country.

Q: Would you be ready to take the reins of a presidency that could become reduced in scope and authority, depending on whether or to what extent political reform succeeds in Ukraine in the next year?

A: I am absolutely sure that it is necessary to optimize the mandates held by the president, the government and the Parliament. The mandates must include responsibility for the actions of the three branches of power. Absolutely.

The executive branch must work more efficiently. Currently there are many shortcomings, and I see them. For this reason the government needs to be strengthened, so that it can control the execution of the law in Ukraine; so that it has sufficient influence over the vertical structure of power within the country. I am ready to see this through.

The Parliament must be more responsible. The president should have effective influence over both the Parliament and the executive branch. We know that today's model [of governance] is not effective in balancing power. This must be accomplished. If we can do it this year, we will certainly do it this year. If it isn't possible to do this year, if the political powers are not ready, then it will certainly be done during my presidential tenure.

Last question. Where is the weak link in your presidential campaign? Perhaps something that needs more attention paid to it.

I believe that this is not only a problem for me, but also a problem for all political powers: when we say there is a law, all must obey it. We must make fewer declarations. We do not need more signatures on legislative acts on various declarations, memoranda, while [all the while] violating the law.

I believe that those who talk most today about lawlessness are the ones who are breaking the law most often. This is a problem. We need to respect the law.

There is a law on honor and dignity as well. There are spiritual values. There are many faithful [in Ukraine], and we must also live with that faith, with honesty and with conscience.

Politicians suffer from this problem, and I believe it must be eradicated. Society should have access to this information through the mass media by means of freedom of expression, freedom of the press and transparency, so that it is possible to evaluate a specific political situation or a politician.

This is a general problem, one about which I have firm beliefs. I take seriously each and every word I utter. Throughout my life I have held myself accountable for my words, and now more so. Most politicians do not hold such values, which saddens me. I want society to consider this.

Copyright © The Ukrainian Weekly, August 15, 2004, No. 33, Vol. LXXII

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