Ukraine's presidential election and development of democracy (10/17/04)

CONFERENCE ADDRESSES: "Ukraine's Transition to a Stable Democracy"

Ukraine's presidential election and development of democracy

Following is the text of remarks by Dr. Paula J. Dobriansky, undersecretary of state for global affairs, on September 13 at "Ukraine's Quest for Mature Nation Statehood - Roundtable V: Ukraine's Transition to a Stable Democracy."

This year's event is particularly timely in light of Ukraine's forthcoming presidential election - now just seven weeks away. The October 31 voting - the third presidential election in Ukraine's 13 years of independence - is very significant; it illustrates how far Ukraine has come since 1991.

It is not the only symbol of that progress, however. Ukraine's international role is another. In addition to its notable presence in Iraq, Ukraine has been a very active contributor to peacekeeping operations over the years in Kosovo, Lebanon, Liberia, Sierra Leone and elsewhere. This high level of international engagement is an element of "Ukraine's quest for mature nation statehood" of which its citizens can be proud.

Still, like every country, including my own, more remains to be done. In Ukraine's case, the October presidential election and its legacy will be very important to the country's democratic transition. Though elections are not the sole criterion on which to evaluate democracy, the conduct of this campaign has received close attention around the world, especially in the United States and Europe, as will the voting itself. Ukraine has expressed a commitment to democratic values and a strong interest in joining Euro-Atlantic institutions like NATO, which are built upon shared ties to those values. This election is an important opportunity for Ukraine to demonstrate that commitment. No less important, however, it is an opportunity for Ukraine and its people finally to establish a firm foundation for sustainable economic growth and social and political development.

President [George W.] Bush, senior officials, including Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld and Deputy Secretary of State Richard Armitage, and prominent Americans, such as Sens. [Richard] Lugar and [John] McCain, have sought to convey this perspective regularly both before and during the ongoing campaign. And we have backed up these statements with action. The United States is spending some $13 million specifically to facilitate a free and fair election in Ukraine through programs to conduct election monitoring and polling, to boost civic activism and support research, to launch voter education and mobilization efforts, to improve the regulatory framework, to help free media and to provide legal aid. We are also looking for ways to increase sharply the number of election monitors deployed on October 31.

We have provided this assistance in an open and transparent fashion. Our sole interest is in a free and fair process that further advances Ukraine's transition toward democracy. We have said this both to Ukrainian officials and to the Ukrainian people, through our public statements. The plain truth is that honestly elected leaders - even those with whom we may disagree on some issues - are much more reliable partners for the long-term development of our relations and Ukraine's relations with others than leaders who prevail through unfair or illegal tactics. They are also better for Ukraine in the long term.

There have been reports of some events that have concerned us. Before the campaign officially began, Ukraine's political climate was marred by the mayoral election in [Mukachiv] Mukachevo, where a pro-government candidate was sworn into office after a controversial election. The State Department has already expressed our views on these troubling developments.

And, although the opposition-owned television channel Kanal 5 continues to broadcast, it has been shut out of various markets in eastern Ukraine. More fundamentally, Ukraine's government seems to continue issuing so-called "temnyky," instructions for media organizations on how to cover events. This environment is not fair.

Beyond slanted media coverage, there have been reports that opposition political figures and candidates have faced harassment and apparent attempts at intimidation. Specifically, opposition presidential candidates have had trouble traveling freely within Ukraine, and rallies and other events have been disrupted. A new election law blocks domestic NGOs from monitoring the October 31 voting.

Finally, as you know, there have been attempts to alter Ukraine's Constitution. While Ukraine's constitutional arrangements can and should be modified when appropriate, changing the rules under which the country's leaders operate shortly before an election undermines democracy.

Despite these signs of concern, the election "ain't over 'til it's over." The results of the election, and the conclusions that we and others draw from the campaign, will not be determined until after the balloting on October 31. We continue to hope for, and to work hard for, a free and fair election. We have been especially encouraged by the people of Ukraine and their obvious enthusiasm for democracy, illustrated by impressive turnouts in many previous elections.

More broadly, when the election is over, our efforts to promote democracy in Ukraine will not come to an end. We will remain firmly committed to assisting Ukrainian efforts to develop strong democratic institutions, including both state institutions and a strong civil society, and a vibrant and independent media, and to establish the rule of law. The fact that the International Republican Institute and the National Democratic Institute can now work in Ukraine is a welcome change. We also appreciate efforts by Ukrainian officials, particularly Foreign [Affairs] Minister [Kostyantyn] Gryshchenko, to reach out to the United States on a number of human rights and rule-of-law-related issues, including trafficking in persons, and to stimulate regional discussion on this challenge among law enforcement officials. We look forward to continuing to work in this area.

A free and fair election would reassure Americans that our countries can be close, long-term partners and strengthen our relationship. Time and effort now spent discussing the election and related concerns should be devoted to developing a broader and deeper cooperative agenda in security matters, economics and other fields. Ukraine's integration into the Euro-Atlantic community, including eventually NATO, would accelerate.

Conversely, an election that is not transparent or is unfair would reinforce concerns about the prospects for close political and economic ties in Europe and America. This will slow the development of relations between our countries and limit what each of us can achieve through cooperation.

Ukraine has come a long way in the last 13 years. Still, it is useful to think about the period since 1991 more broadly, looking to Ukraine's neighbors and their experiences. One of those neighbors has made much less progress than the others. Belarus and its citizens will continue to face economic and social hardship if essential reforms are stifled and the government's power remains unconstrained by opposition parties, the media, or civil society. Some of Ukraine's other neighbors, particularly Poland and Hungary, have made dramatic advances during this period - although they had a two-year head start - by embracing democracy and the rule of law. This was not an easy process, or a quick one, but its results have transformed the futures of these countries and their citizens. I am confident that Ukraine can achieve the same, or even greater, successes with determined effort by its leaders and people.

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