EDITORIAL

The Orange Revolution continues


"... I realize that this conversation is long overdue, as this is not a matter of relations among the Cabinet, the national security service and the state secretary. We are just watching the country deteriorating ...

"... on a daily basis I had to intervene in a conflict between the National Security [and Defense] Council, between the Cabinet and the Verkhovna Rada. In other words, these conflicts became the government's daily agenda."


With the words above, President Viktor Yushchenko addressed the nation on September 8 to announce he was sacking his prime minister, Yulia Tymoshenko, the entire Cabinet of Ministers and the secretary of the National Security and Defense Council, Petro Poroshenko. The president did the right thing, albeit reluctantly, following days of crisis talks with officials in his administration. "The key issue was the issue of trust. If there had been a possibility to preserve the team spirit, to remain together, it would have been the best answer," he said. But the reality was this: infighting and jockeying for position among his administration's ministers, allegations of corruption and abuses of power, such as influence peddling.

It is now clear that the coalition that effected the Orange Revolution was united in its opposition to the Kuchma regime and its ilk, but agreed on little else. True, there was general support of the revolution's ideals, but there was great disagreement on how to pursue those ideals, especially once the new administration assumed office. Most notably, there was competition for power between Ms. Tymoshenko and Mr. Poroshenko and even between the prime minister and the president.

In what can be described as a frank conversation with the citizens of Ukraine, the president underscored that he had chosen loyal people who had stood by him on the maidan to join his team, but later "witnessed zero trust among my partners," which led to divisions and scandal, while the new Ukraine was losing momentum and entering a period of stagnation. Mr. Yushchenko emphasized that he ran for president "not to see key state institutions struggling to find understanding and failing to find accord and mutual trust. ... it was not for this that millions of people stood in squares."

Mr. Yushchenko pledged to act quickly in naming a new government - "a united team" - so that the promises of the Orange Revolution that were made on the maidan could move forward. He has already nominated the pragmatist Yurii Yekhanurov as his prime minister to replace the populist Ms. Tymoshenko. He also met with 11 of the Parliament's 13 factions, including the Party of the Regions led by his opponent in the 2004 presidential election, Viktor Yanukovych, proposed a "stability pact" and invited them to propose candidates for Cabinet posts. A new government is expected to be announced within two weeks.

Meanwhile, Ms. Tymoshenko is now in opposition to President Yushchenko. The fiery and charismatic leader will be a formidable opponent in the 2006 parliamentary elections, and beyond. Already she has begun courting other parties. She pledged to unite "the orange and the blue" [the color of the Yanukovych campaign]. "If we put these two colors together we get our national flag [which is blue and yellow] ... I want us to combine the best we have in our colors," she stated.

In the midst of the upheaval in Ukraine, many questions remain. Just who will be the new administration appointees and what will they represent? Will the president take advantage of this opportunity to clean house by not asking tainted officials to return? Will business interests continue to exert their influence? Will opponents of the Orange Revolution be brought into the new government as some analysts have asserted?

Our primary hope is that President Yushchenko will go back to the ideals of the maidan and will invigorate the program that was intended to transform these ideals into concrete achievements. As well, we hope that the president will take charge - that he will truly lead and not leave the running of the country up to administration officials. The window of opportunity for him to act between now and the constitutional reforms due to go into effect in January 2006 is small and getting smaller. And then there are the parliamentary elections two months later to consider.

All that said, we firmly believe that reports of the Orange Revolution's death have been greatly exaggerated. Ultimately, the revolution was about the people of Ukraine. And the people, having been awakened and empowered by the events of November-December 2004 have been inalterably transformed - and with it Ukraine. The people and Ukraine deserve leadership that takes account of that reality.


Copyright © The Ukrainian Weekly, September 18, 2005, No. 38, Vol. LXXIII


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