Starting off 2014 in the realm of U.S.-Ukraine relations, was news that leaders representing more than a dozen Ukrainian American organizations met at the White House with President Barack Obama’s senior national security staff to discuss the crisis in Ukraine. They urged the Obama administration to take strong action in support of democracy in Ukraine and to send a firm message of support to those gathered throughout Ukraine in opposition to government corruption and violence against its citizens. The non-partisan meeting held on January 3 was initiated by the co-chairs of Ukrainian-Americans for Obama, Julian Kulas, Andrew Fedynsky and Ulana Mazurkevich, as well Alexandra Chalupa, co-convener of the National Democratic Ethnic Coordinating Committee. The Obama administration was represented by Karen Donfried, special assistant to the president and senior director of European affairs at the National Security Council (NSC), and Lyn Debevoise, director for Central and Eastern European Affairs at the NSC.
Although several participants were unable to attend due to a severe snow storm that hit parts of the Midwest and the Northeast, among the groups invited to represent Ukrainian Americans were the Ukrainian Congress Committee of America, Ukrainian National Information Service, U.S.-Ukraine Foundation, United Ukrainian American Relief Committee, Ukrainian Human Rights Committee, Ukrainian National Association, Ukrainian National Women’s League of America, Ukrainian American Bar Association, Kyiv Mohyla Foundation of America and the Ukrainian Catholic and Ukrainian Orthodox Churches. Many other Ukrainian American organizations participated behind the scenes leading up to the meeting, helping to shape the group’s message to the Obama administration. Rep. Marcy Kaptur (D-Ohio), co-chair of the Congressional Ukrainian Caucus, was represented by her aide, Allison Jarus. Dr. James Zogby, chair of the Democratic National Committee’s Ethnic Council, also attended.
Then, on January 7, the U.S. Senate unanimously passed a resolution “expressing support for the Ukrainian people in light of President [Viktor] Yanukovych’s decision not to sign an Association Agreement with the European Union.” Senate Resolution 319 was sponsored by Sen. Chris Murphy (D-Conn.) and had 10 co-sponsors, Democrats and Republicans alike. The resolution noted that: “the abrupt reversal on the eve of the summit following Russian economic coercion and to protect the narrow interests of some officials and individuals in Ukraine prompted hundreds of thousands of Ukrainians all across the country, especially young people and students, to protest the decision and stand in support of furthering Ukraine’s Euro-Atlantic integration.” The resolution also said the Senate: “condemns the decision by Ukrainian authorities to use violence against peaceful demonstrators on November 30, December 1, and December 11, 2013, and calls for those responsible to be swiftly brought to justice and all detained nonviolent demonstrators to be immediately released; and notes that in the event of further state violence against peaceful protesters, the president and Congress should consider whether to apply targeted sanctions, including visa bans and asset freezes, against individuals responsible for ordering or carrying out the violence.”
U.S. Ambassador Geoffrey Pyatt lights a candle at a memorial erected on Institytutska Street, commenting: “Renewed democracy can ensure they did not die in vain.” The U.S. Embassy on February 20 issued a message of condolences to the families of those killed in recent violence in Kyiv. The photo above was posted on the U.S. Embassy Kyiv Facebook page on February 25.
On January 15, the Senate Foreign Relations Committee held a hearing on the crisis in Ukraine which included testimony by Assistant Secretary for European and Eurasian Affairs Victoria Nuland and Deputy Assistant Secretary Thomas Melia of the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor, as well as former U.S. national security advisor and recognized expert on this region Zbigniew Brzezinski.
Secretary Nuland, who personally met with President Viktor Yanukovych, as well as with the protesters on the maidan, when she visited Kyiv in December 2013, said, “Like the vast majority of Ukrainians, the United States and our partners in the European Union want to see the current stand-off resolved politically, democratically and above all, peacefully,” adding that the last point applies to both the government and protesters alike. “However, the use of violence and acts of repression carried out by government security forces and their surrogates have compelled us to make clear publicly and privately to the government of Ukraine that we will consider a broad range of tools at our disposal if those in positions of authority in Ukraine employ or encourage violence against their own citizens,” she added.
U.S. Mission to the U.N.
U.S. Ambassador to the United Nations Samantha Power on March 4 delivered a powerful statement setting the record straight on Russia’s aggression and its “dangerous military intervention in Ukraine.”
Assistant Secretary Nuland expressed the Obama administration’s gratitude for the Senate’s leadership role on Ukrainian issues and for passing on January 7 Senate Resolution 319, which “sent a strong, bipartisan message of concern and support to the Ukrainian people at a key moment,” she said. She also thanked and commended two senators participating in the hearing – Sens. John McCain (R-Ariz.) and Murphy – “for bringing that bipartisan support directly to the people of Ukraine on a key weekend in December, and engaging with President Yanukovych, his government, the opposition, the business community and civil society in support of a peaceful, democratic way out of the crisis.” She underscored, “The people of Ukraine saw America stand up with them at a critical moment when they could have felt very alone.”
Dr. Brzezinski pointed out that Russia’s Vladimir Putin sees Ukraine as a “strategic state,” without which building a Russian “supranational empire” is impossible. But that is not the way the young generation of Ukrainians who grew up in an independent Ukraine view their country. “They feel themselves to be Ukrainians,” Dr. Brzezinski explained, adding that Mr. Putin displays his historical ignorance when he perceives Ukraine and Russia as one nation.
Sen. McCain said Ukraine is a country that wants to be European. “They don’t want to be Russian – this is what it’s all about.” The Russians have bullied them and continue to do so, using Ukraine’s need to import Russian energy resources, banning the import of Ukrainian chocolates to Russia and taking advantage of corruption – “which is rampant in Ukraine” – to its advantage. “This is about whether we will stand up for the Ukrainian people,” Sen. McCain said. “We want to be assisting morally the Ukrainian people for seeking what we want everybody on this earth to have.”
The ranking member of the committee, Sen. Bob Corker (R-Tenn.), repeatedly criticized President Obama’s administration for not pursuing an active policy with respect to Ukraine. “In my view, what has transpired in Ukraine is one of the most recent examples of where U.S. leadership at the right moment could have been decisive,” he said. “Apparently overly concerned with offending Russia, the administration seems to have somehow made the calculation initially that a passive response might yield more than assertive U.S. leadership.”
The hearing was conducted by the chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, Sen. Robert Menendez (D-N.J.), who said “this committee isn’t deaf to those brave people whose capacity for hope and appetite for freedom has compelled them to take to the streets. The world is, indeed, watching.”
On the day after the Verkhovna Rada passed a controversial law aimed at curtailing protest demonstrations in Ukraine, Secretary of State John Kerry voiced his position on it to the press in his remarks prior to a January 17 meeting with Greek Foreign Affairs Minister Evangelos Venizelos at the State Department. “The legislation that was rammed through the Rada without transparency and accountability violates all the norms of the OSCE [Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe] and the EU [European Union],” with whom the Ukrainian people want be associated with in the future, he said. “So we will continue to stay focused on this issue, but this kind of anti-democratic maneuver is extremely disturbing and should be a concern to every nation that wants to see the people of Ukraine be able to not only express their wish but see it executed through the political process.”
Two days later, the White House went a step further in expressing its concern, and mentioned the possibility of U.S. sanctions if things do not improve. In a statement released by the White House Press Office, National Security Council spokesperson Caitlin Hayden said: “We are deeply concerned by the violence taking place today on the streets of Kyiv and urge all sides to immediately de-escalate the situation.” She said that the increasing tension in Ukraine is a direct consequence of the government failing to acknowledge the legitimate grievances of its people. “Instead, it has moved to weaken the foundations of Ukraine’s democracy by criminalizing peaceful protest and stripping civil society and political opponents of key democratic protections under the law.” From its first days, the Euro-Maidan movement “has been defined by a spirit of non-violence, and we support today’s call by opposition political leaders to re-establish that principle,” Ms. Hayden said.
U.S. Embassy Kyiv
U.S. Vice-President Joe Biden with Ukraine’s acting Prime Minister Arseniy Yatsenyuk at their April 22 press conference in Kyiv.
On January 23 and 27, Vice-President Joe Biden telephoned President Yanukovych to urge an immediate de-escalation in the standoff between protesters and security forces in downtown Kyiv. The vice-president urged Mr. Yanukovych to take steps to end violence and to meaningfully address the legitimate concerns of peaceful protesters, stressing the importance of the ongoing dialogue with the opposition and the need for genuine compromise as the only solution to the crisis. He also underscored that the U.S. condemns the use of violence by any side, warned that declaring a state of emergency or enacting other harsh security measures would further inflame the situation and called for a repeal of the anti-democratic laws passed on January 16. These would be the first of many telephone calls made by the vice-president to Ukrainian leaders during the course of the year. In fact, the vice-president became the Obama administration’s point man on Ukraine.
In his State of the Union address on January 28, President Obama mentioned Ukraine in a single sentence. The comment came in this paragraph: “Our alliance with Europe remains the strongest the world has ever known. From Tunisia to Burma, we’re supporting those who are willing to do the hard work of building democracy. In Ukraine, we stand for the principle that all people have the right to express themselves freely and peacefully and to have a say in their country’s future. …”
On January 31, one week after dozens of journalists were attacked by police in and around Kyiv’s Independence Square, RFE/RL President and CEO Kevin Klose and Broadcasting Board of Governors member Matthew Armstrong arrived to denounce the violence and to press Ukrainian authorities to honor their international obligations to respect media freedom and ensure basic rights and protections for journalists.
The two met with reporters at RFE/RL’s Kyiv bureau to laud their courage and commitment to reporting on the Euro-Maidan. On January 20, RFE/RL Ukrainian Service reporter Dmytro Barkar and cameraman Ihor Iskhakov had suffered head injuries from beatings by Berkut police fists and batons.
“A free society does not beat professional journalists while they are performing their duties,” commented Mr. Klose.
On February 1, Secretary of State Kerry told the Munich Security Conference, an annual gathering of global political leaders and defense officials, that the Ukrainian people were engaged in a fight for democracy. “While there are unsavory elements in the streets in any chaotic situation, the vast majority of Ukrainians want to live freely in a safe and a prosperous country, and they are fighting for the right to associate with partners who will help them realize their aspirations, and they have decided that that means their futures do not have to lie with one country alone and certainly not coerced,” Mr. Kerry said. Secretary Kerry added that the United States and the European Union stand with the people of Ukraine in their right to make their own decisions. Mr. Kerry met with Ukrainian opposition leaders on the sidelines of the conference – a development seen as a major boost to the protest movement. The opposition leaders included Vitali Klitschko and Arseniy Yatsenyuk.
A coalition of citizens and organizations united in their support of a democratic, economically viable and stable Ukraine was announced in Washington on February 3. Members of the Friends of Ukraine coalition said they believe that, as a strategically located country, Ukraine is important not only to its own people but to the whole region and to the national security of the United States. At the initiative of former U.S. Ambassador to Ukraine William Green Miller, an initial meeting of the Friends of Ukraine was held on January 23 to discuss how to best support the peaceful resolution of the current crisis in Ukraine and to help the people of Ukraine achieve their goals for a normally functioning democracy. Organized by Ihor Gawdiak of the Ukrainian American Coordinating Council, the group met in offices provided by the U.S.-Ukraine Foundation and consisted of former U.S. government officials, including former Ambassador Roman Popadiuk and former Rep. Charles Dougherty, as well as the heads or representatives of non-governmental organizations, think tanks and individuals involved in U.S.-Ukraine relations. Ambassadors Miller and Popadiuk agreed to serve as co-chairs of Friends of Ukraine.
Violence broke out between law enforcement authorities who attempted to liquidate the Maidan and the protesters on February 18 in Kyiv – resulting in three days of street battles and the deaths of at least 105 civilians during the period of February 18-20. President Obama condemned the violence and warned of “consequences” in a statement issued on February 19: “…we’re going to be watching closely and we expect the Ukrainian government to show restraint, to not resort to violence in dealing with peaceful protesters. We’ve also said we expect peaceful protesters to remain peaceful and we’ll be monitoring very closely the situation, recognizing that with our European partners and the international community there will be consequences if people step over the line. And that includes making sure the Ukrainian military does not step into what should be a set of issues that can be resolved by civilians.” The next day the White House Office of the Press Secretary issued another statement: “We are outraged by the images of Ukrainian security forces firing automatic weapons on their own people. We urge President Yanukovych to immediately withdraw his security forces from downtown Kyiv and to respect the right of peaceful protest, and we urge protesters to express themselves peacefully. …The use of force will not resolve the crisis – clear steps must be taken to stop the violence and initiate meaningful dialogue that reduces tension and addresses the grievances of the Ukrainian people.”
The House of Representatives on February 10 overwhelmingly passed a resolution that “supports the democratic and European aspirations of the people of Ukraine, and their right to choose their own future free of intimidation and fear.” House Resolution 447 – introduced by Rep. Elliot Engel (D-N.Y.) on December 16, 2013, and co-sponsored by 58 members of the House –was passed by a vote of 381-2. The resolution called “on the United States and the European Union to continue to work together to support a peaceful resolution to the crisis, and to continue to support the desire of millions of Ukrainian citizens for democracy, human rights, government accountability, and the rule of law, and closer relations with Europe” and supported “the measures taken by the Department of State to revoke the visas of several Ukrainians linked to the violence, and encourages the administration to consider additional targeted sanctions against those who authorize or engage in the use of force.”
In a February 28 letter to President Obama, Sens. Robert Menendez, Corker, McCain, Murphy, John Barrasso (R-Wyo.), Ben Cardin (D-Md.), Richard Durbin (D-Ill.), Ron Johnson (R-Wis.), Edward Markey (D-Mass.), Jim Risch (R-Idaho), Marco Rubio (R-Fla.) and Jeanne Shaheen (D-N.H.) – all members of the Foreign Relations Committee – expressed support for U.S. assistance in Ukraine and warned of Russian intervention that undermines Ukraine’s unity. “We write in support of the administration’s efforts to help Ukraine to consolidate democratically elected government, preserve its territorial integrity, and enjoy the freedom to exercise a sovereign decision to sign and implement an Association Agreement with the European Union,” said the senators in their letter. “We are prepared to work with your administration to reinforce your efforts by authorizing U.S. loan guarantees to Ukraine and increasing assistance to facilitate a peaceful transition of power. We also believe that the U.S. should make use of the tools at its disposal, including targeted sanctions and asset recovery targeting corruption, to dissuade individuals who would foment unrest to undermine Ukraine’s territorial integrity or employ coercive economic measures against the Ukrainian people and the new Ukrainian government.”
While President Obama continued to call for an end to violence in Ukraine via a statement issued on February 28 and in telephone conversations with fellow world leaders, during an emergency meeting of the United Nations Security Council on March 3, U.S. Ambassador to the U.N. Samantha Power delivered a powerful statement setting the record straight on Russia’s aggression and its “dangerous military intervention in Ukraine.” She stated: “It is a fact that Russian military forces have taken over Ukrainian border posts. It is a fact that Russia has taken over the ferry terminal in Kerch. It is a fact that Russian ships are moving in and around Sevastopol. It is a fact that Russian forces are blocking mobile telephone services in some areas. It is a fact that Russia has surrounded or taken over practically all Ukrainian military facilities in Crimea. It is a fact that today Russian jets entered Ukrainian airspace. It is also a fact that independent journalists continue to report that there is no evidence of violence against Russian or pro-Russian communities. Russian military action is not a human rights protection mission. It is a violation of international law and a violation of the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the independent nation of Ukraine, and a breach of Russia’s Helsinki Commitments and its U.N. obligations.”
Ambassador Power was a favorite of Ukrainians worldwide, as she continued throughout the year to eloquently and strongly make her case against Russian aggression.
Yaro Bihun
With U.S. Vice-President Joseph Biden and the Speaker of the House of Representatives John Boehner sitting behind him, Ukrainian President Petro Poroshenko addresses the joint session of the U.S. Congress on September 18.
On July 18 at the Security Council she spoke of the downing of Malaysia Airlines Flight 17, expressing condolences and underscoring that “a full, credible and unimpeded international investigation must begin immediately.” She said MH17, carrying 298 people “was likely downed by a surface-to-air missile, an SA-11, operated from a separatist-held location in eastern Ukraine” and pointed out that “Because of the technical complexity of the SA-11, it is unlikely that the separatists could effectively operate the system without assistance from knowledgeable personnel. Thus, we cannot rule out technical assistance from Russian personnel in operating the systems.” Furthermore, she said, “This also follows a pattern of actions by Russian-backed separatists. On June 13, separatists shot down a Ukrainian transport plane, carrying 40 paratroopers and nine crew. On June 24, as this [Security] Council was meeting to welcome Ukraine’s unilateral ceasefire, we received word that separatists downed a Ukrainian helicopter, killing all nine on board. On July 14, separatists claimed credit for the downing of a Ukrainian military cargo plane, flying at 6,000 meters, and on July 16, they claimed credit for the downing of a Ukrainian fighter jet.” She noted: “The context for yesterday’s horror is clear: separatist forces – backed by the Russian government – continue to destabilize Ukraine and undermine the efforts of Ukraine’s elected leaders to build a democratic Ukraine that is stable, unified, secure and able to determine its own future.”
In that same address on July 18 she cited the case of “Ukrainian pilot Nadiya Savchenko, who has long had a distinguished career in the Ukrainian military, was taken by separatists in mid-June. She is now being held – where? In a prison in Voronezh, Russia. According to the Ukrainian government, she was transferred to Russia by separatists.”
On August 28, at what she said was “our 24th session to try to rein in Russia’s aggressive acts in Ukraine,” Ambassador Power noted that on August 26, after President Putin met with President Poroshenko in Minsk and spoke of the need to end the bloodshed in Ukraine, more Russian forces were deployed in Ukraine. “Yet the same day, satellite imagery shows Russian combat units – combat units – southeast of Donetsk, in eastern Ukraine. That same day in Luhansk, Ukraine detained regular Russian Army personnel from the 9th Brigade. In response, Russia claimed the soldiers had wandered into Ukrainian territory ‘by mistake.’ This, supposedly, in a time of conflict along one of the most carefully watched borders in the world.”
Secretary of State Kerry also was busy with developments in Ukraine. He visited Kyiv on March 4 to demonstrate U.S. support for Ukraine and its new leaders, meeting with Prime Minister Arseniy Yatsenyuk and acting President Oleksander Turchynov. He visited the Fallen Heroes Shrine that had emerged on Instytutska Street in central Kyiv, placing a candle and flowers at the memorial. Mr. Kerry also announced an immediate $1 billion loan guarantee to support Ukraine’s recovery. “We are currently working with the U.S. Treasury Department and others to lay out a broader, more comprehensive plan,” he said. “We will provide the best expertise available to help Ukraine’s economy and financial institutions repair themselves.”
In related news, the U.S. Embassies in Kyiv and Moscow, and the State Department on March 5 issued documents countering Russian propaganda and disinformation about developments in Ukraine. One document set the record straight on the legitimacy of Ukraine’s government, and the other rebutted 10 false claims made by Russian President Putin. In July, the State Department followed up with a fact sheet on “Russia’s Continuing Support for Armed Separatists in Ukraine and Ukraine’s Efforts Toward Peace, Unity and Stability.”
President Obama and Secretary Kerry met with Ukraine’s Prime Minister Yatsenyuk when he visited Washington on March 12-13. Accompanied by Foreign Affairs Minister Andriy Deshchytsia and Ukraine’s Ambassador to the U.S. Olexander Motsyk, he also had meetings with Vice-President Biden, Treasury Secretary Jacob Lew, House Majority Leader John Boehner and House Minority Leader Nancy Pelosi, before heading off to New York for meetings at the United Nations, as well as an address before the Security Council on March 13.
On March 17, President Obama stated unequivocally that “the future of Ukraine must be decided by the people of Ukraine. That means Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial integrity must be respected, and international law must be upheld. And so, Russia’s decision to send troops into Crimea has rightly drawn global condemnation.” Furthermore, he said he told President Putin that “the referendum in Crimea was a clear violation of the Ukrainian constitution and international law, and it will not be recognized by the international community,” and he announced the imposition of sanctions on specific individuals responsible for undermining the sovereignty, territorial integrity and government of Ukraine, as well as the authorization of sanctions on Russian officials – entities operating in the arms sector in Russia and individuals who provide material support to senior officials of the Russian government. “And if Russia continues to interfere in Ukraine, we stand ready to impose further sanctions,” he stated. “…throughout this process, we’re going to stand firm in our unwavering support for Ukraine. …the United States stands with the people of Ukraine and their right to determine their own destiny. We’re going to keep working with Congress and our international partners to offer Ukraine the economic support that it needs to weather this crisis and to improve the daily lives of the Ukrainian people.”
Ten days later, on March 27, the Senate unanimously approved, via voice vote, an aid package for Ukraine that included $1 billion in loan guarantees and some $150 million in direct assistance. At the same time, the House of Representatives approved a similar package by a vote of 399 to 19. Then, on April 1, the House passed the Support for the Sovereignty, Integrity, Democracy and Economic Stability of Ukraine Act of 2014, the same bill the Senate had passed the previous week, by a vote of 378 for and 34 against. “With Russian forces massing on Ukraine’s borders, tension and fear is spreading throughout the region, and our legislation sends a clear signal – that Congress will not stand for further violations,” said House Foreign Affairs Committee ranking member Rep. Engel.
Vice-President Biden visited Kyiv on April 21-22, telling the people of Ukraine they “should have the right to choose their own future” and declaring the United States’ readiness to assist Ukraine, which he said faces “humiliating threats” and “very daunting problems,” in seizing a chance to create national unity. “As you all know well, we have a significant Ukrainian American population,” Mr. Biden told Ukraine’s national deputies. “We stand with you. And it is not just a foreign policy judgment, it is a personal – it’s an emotional commitment, as well, by millions of Americans.” Mr. Biden also told his audiences in Kyiv that the U.S. stands ready to help Ukraine’s economy but that Ukraine must step up efforts to root out abuses within its political system and “fight the cancer of corruption.” Noting that the country was facing unrest and uncertainty, Mr. Biden said that “this is a second opportunity to make good on the original promise made by the Orange Revolution. This is a genuine opportunity to get right what is always difficult to do the first time when coming out from under the oppression or control of another power.” Referring to the upcoming presidential election, he added, “you have an opportunity, a chance to bring about an era of reform and democratic renewal that you all hoped for two, five, 10, 15 years ago to lay the groundwork for an even more united and more prosperous Ukraine.”
The vice-president was the highest-ranking U.S. official to visit Kyiv since Russia’s annexation of Crimea. He met with acting President Turchynov and Prime Minister Yatsenyuk, as well as with civil society leaders in Kyiv to discuss their key role in supporting Ukraine’s democratic institutions. Mr. Biden announced a new package of U.S. assistance totaling $50 million to help Ukraine pursue political and economic reform and strengthen the partnership between the United States and Ukraine. Included in that amount was $11.4 million to help conduct the presidential election in Ukraine, as well as an increase of $8 million in non-lethal security aid to Ukraine’s armed forces and border guards (a package worth $10 million had been announced earlier). In addition, he said the U.S. would provide expertise to help Ukraine reduce its reliance on Russian energy supplies.
On April 28, the U.S. announced new sanctions in response to “Russia’s continued illegal intervention in Ukraine and provocative acts that undermine Ukraine’s democracy and threaten its peace, security, stability, sovereignty and territorial integrity,” as noted in a statement released by the White House Office of the Press Secretary. The U.S. noted that Russia had refused to follow through on its commitments made at talks in Geneva that brought together the U.S., the European Union, Ukraine and Russia. As the year wore on and Russia continued its aggression, the U.S. announced more and more sanctions. Among them: in mid-September, debt financing restrictions for sanctioned banks were tightened, and more Russian financial institutions and companies, including energy companies and defense technology firms, were added to the list of those sanctioned. At the end of the year, on December 17, President Obama issued an executive order banning U.S. exports of goods, technology or services to Ukraine’s Crimea region. He also authorized the Treasury Department to impose sanctions on individuals and companies operating in the region. In announcing the new measures, the U.S. president called on Russia to end its annexation of Crimea.
During the third week of April, Ukraine’s Vice-Minister of Foreign Affairs Danylo Lubkivsky visited Washington and New York to discuss the current situation in his country with U.S. and U.N. officials, representatives of the Ukrainian American community, Jewish American organizations and other interested parties. His main message was that Russia’s policy toward Ukraine was now showing its true colors – “completely chauvinistic and aggressive and unacceptable in a community of civilized nations.” This, he said, is a major problem not only for Ukraine for the whole word. Another prominent visitor arrived in mid-August, Mustafa Nayyem, a Ukrainian journalist and political analyst who called for the people of Ukraine to come out onto the Maidan in November 2013 after President Yanukovych rejected the Association Agreement with the European Union, spoke at the National Endowment for Democracy. He said the biggest challenge to Ukraine’s future was not the war in eastern Ukraine but corruption, and Ukrainians will have to recognize and face that challenge – the sooner, the better. Mr. Nayyem, who later in the year was elected to the Verkhovna Rada, also had scheduled meetings at the International Republican Institute and the National Democratic Institute, the State Department, the U.S. Agency for International Development and at the Helsinki Commission, as well as with staff members of congressional committees on foreign affairs.
Yaro Bihun
Presidents Petro Poroshenko and Barack Obama during their September 18 meeting in the Oval Office.
The U.S. hailed the May 25 presidential elections in Ukraine. Among those making statements was the chairman of the U.S. Helsinki Commission, Sen. Ben Cardin (D-Md.), who said on May 27: “Sunday’s vote was a day of destiny for Ukraine and a turning point in the nation’s effort to overcome Russia’s interference in Ukraine’s democratic development. It also offers Ukraine a chance to turn a corner on a crippling legacy of corruption. The election also was important for the OSCE [Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe] which is undertaking massive efforts in Ukraine aimed at fostering stability and encouraging democracy in Ukraine. These elections present an historic opportunity to build an independent, prosperous state based on the rule of law.” While hailing the “free and fair vote” in which he saw “ordinary citizens who were clearly determined to freely make their choice and be stewards of their own destiny,” Sen. Cardin said, “At the same time, I deplore the actions of those who have deprived Ukrainians in Russian occupied Crimea and parts of Donetsk and Luhansk regions in eastern Ukraine their right to vote through violence, intimidation and fear.”
Also on May 27, President Obama called to congratulate President-elect Petro Poroshenko and to offer assurances of U.S. support for Ukraine. The next day the White House confirmed that the president, while on a trip to Europe on June 3-6, would meet with Mr. Poroshenko in Poland, where the 25th anniversary of Poland’s first democratic elections was to be marked. The private meeting in Warsaw took place on June 4, a day after President Obama pledged to spend $1 billion to send more U.S. military to Europe on a temporary basis. Simultaneous to the meeting, the United States announced it would send Kyiv an additional $5 million in equipment, including body armor and night-vision goggles, that could help in its battle against armed pro- Russian separatists in the east.
Vice-President Biden attended the inauguration of President Petro Poroshenko on June 7. He said the new president’s inaugural address was “impressive, but the substance was more important than the delivery.” During an afternoon meeting with Mr. Poroshenko at the Presidential Administration, he commended the declared plans to combat corruption, secure the border with Russia and end the violence in Donbas. “There’s a window for peace, and you know as well as anyone that it will not stay open indefinitely,” Mr. Biden said, as reported by Voice of America. Mr. Biden pledged $48 million to help Mr. Poroshenko “conduct key reforms, build law enforcement capacity and strengthen national unity.” Mr. Biden underscored: “America’s with you. That is not hyperbole.”
At the reception held for the foreign guests, among those in the U.S. delegation were Assistant Secretary of State for European and Eurasian Affairs Nuland, Sens. McCain, Murphy and Johnson, and Rep. Kaptur, as well as Ambassadors Geoffrey Pyatt, envoy to Ukraine, and Daniel Baer, envoy to the OSCE.
At his July 29 confirmation hearing, the U.S. ambassador-designate to Russia, John Tefft, a former ambassador to Ukraine, stated that the United States will “never accept” the Kremlin’s annexation of Ukraine’s Crimea region and cannot ignore Russia’s actions in the Ukraine crisis. The annexation has “shredded the very fabric” of European security, he said. “The U.S. can’t ignore the fundamental challenge to the international order posed by Russia’s actions in the Ukraine crisis.”
A month later, with Russia’s incursions into Ukraine escalating, and Russian forces taking control of strategic points in Ukraine’s east, President Obama spoke in the White House briefing room on August 28. Noting that he had just spoken with German Chancellor Angela Merkel, he said: “We agree – if there was ever any doubt – that Russia is responsible for the violence in eastern Ukraine. The violence is encouraged by Russia. The separatists are trained by Russia. They are armed by Russia. They are funded by Russia. Russia has deliberately and repeatedly violated the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Ukraine. And the new images of Russian forces inside Ukraine make that plain for the world to see. This comes as Ukrainian forces are making progress against the separatists.”
Soon thereafter, Sen. Menendez, chair of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, met in Kyiv with President Poroshenko. Mr. Poroshenko noted that the Ukrainian armed forces had been making significant progress in countering terrorists until the Russian armed forces intruded. “It is crucially important for Ukraine to receive assistance in its struggle for freedom, democracy and sovereignty,” Mr. Poroshenko emphasized at the September 1 meeting. In turn, Sen. Menendez noted: “These events threaten not only Ukraine, but also the entire world. The first victims are the people of Ukraine, but they are not the only victims. This is an issue of global security.” The senator reiterated his call for the U.S. to supply arms to Ukrainian national forces and toughen sanctions against Russia, adding he would seek a joint session of Congress later that month to let the Ukrainian president make the case directly to U.S. lawmakers. Indeed, he and Sen. Corker sent a letter to Speaker of the House John Boehner asking him to invite President Poroshenko, as did members of the Congressional Ukrainian Caucus.
Another staunch supporter of Ukraine, Sen. McCain visited Kyiv in September in what was his fourth trip to Kyiv since the beginning of the Euro-Maidan in late 2013. Speaking at a press conference on September 4, he said: “I keep coming back, and I am here now, because I believe what is happening in Ukraine is about far more than Ukraine. It is about the principles of international order that have brought peace and hope to Europe, and much of the world beyond Europe, since 1945 – and whether a world based on these principles will endure or not.” He underscored that “what Vladimir Putin is doing to Ukraine constitutes an invasion of a sovereign country – if we obfuscate this truth because we refuse to face it – then we are living in Putin’s world.”
And, on September 10, Rep. Boehner announced that he would invite President Poroshenko to address a joint meeting of both houses of Congress on September 18. “Having President Poroshenko address Congress is another signal of our steadfast commitment to the aspirations of his people,” Rep. Boehner said. “It will be an honor and a privilege to welcome him to the United States Capitol.”
President Poroshenko addressed that joint session of the U.S. Congress, presenting his government’s position on the latest developments in Ukraine’s east and calling on the United States to increase its political, economic and military support of Ukraine. He opened his address with these words: “It’s impossible to imagine what I’m feeling right now. How symbolic is the unity of the United States Congress and solidarity with Ukraine. This is exactly what Ukraine now needs the most: unity and solidarity. Not only with the United States Congress, not only with the United States, but with the whole world.” The president went on to say, “I urge you not to let Ukraine stand alone in the face of this aggression” and he reminded his audience that the U.S. “made a commitment that it would stand behind Ukraine’s territorial integrity” 20 years ago in the Budapest Memorandum, when Ukraine agreed to give up its nuclear arms. President Poroshenko said Ukrainian soldiers need not only more political support, but more both non-lethal and lethal military equipment. “Blankets and night-vision goggles are important. But one cannot win a war with blankets,” he said. President Poroshenko’s address to the joint session of Congress was greeted with more than 10 standing ovations.
After lunch with Vice-President Biden at his residence at the Naval Observatory, Mr. Poroshenko proceeded to the White House for a meeting with President Obama. The White House that day announced a new $53 million assistance package for Ukraine – of which $46 million was for security assistance – in addition to the $238 million in aid already provided to Ukraine this year. None of the aid was in the form of lethal weapons and ammunition that the Ukrainian president was seeking. President Obama praised President Poroshenko for brokering a ceasefire in the eastern regions. And he said the United States is ready to support Ukraine in its negotiations with Russia. “You have a strong friend not only in me personally, but I think, as you saw in Congress today, you have strong bipartisan support here in the United States. And the people of America stand with the people of Ukraine,” he said.
Once the parliamentary elections were held in Ukraine, President Obama issued a statement addressed to the people of Ukraine: “On behalf of the American people, I congratulate the people of Ukraine on holding successful parliamentary elections on October 26. Despite a challenging security environment in certain regions, millions of Ukrainians turned out across the country to cast their ballots in an orderly and peaceful manner. At the same time, it is clear that Russian authorities occupying Crimea and Russian-backed separatists in parts of eastern Ukraine prevented many Ukrainian citizens from exercising their democratic rights to participate in national elections and cast their votes.”
Vice-President Biden paid another visit to Kyiv on November 20-21. According to RFE/RL, his messages was that “it is unacceptable in the 21st century for countries to attempt to redraw borders by force in Europe or intervene militarily because they don’t like a decision their neighbors have made.” Mr. Biden called on Russia to abide by the commitments made in Minsk to end the crisis in Ukraine. “Do what you agreed to do, Mr. Putin,” Mr. Biden said. At the same time, he called on the new government in Kyiv, which had not yet been formed, to work toward greater integration with Europe and work for Ukraine’s democratic and economic future. He said so long as Kyiv does that, the United States will be “at your side.”
Back in the United States, U.S. Ambassador to Ukraine Pyatt on December 8 spoke at the Atlantic Council, a leading think tank, to make the case that the U.S. and Europe must help Ukraine in protecting its territorial integrity, as well as assist the Ukrainian government in building a better future for its people. He listed what he saw as priorities for Ukraine: resolving energy issues, fighting corruption and tackling constitutional reform. Mr. Pyatt also said the U.S. must continue to help protect Ukraine, which is also being confronted by Russian President Putin’s “weaponized” media strategy aimed at trying to confuse the issues involved and sow a division between the U.S. and Europe.
In Washington the next day, Vice-President Biden told an audience at the National Democratic Institute that if the pro-Western government formed that month failed to reform the economy and fight corruption, the efforts of Ukrainians who risked their lives in street protests that pushed Viktor Yanukovych from power in February could be in vain. Ukrainians have a chance again, and “they can’t blow it,” he said, according to RFE/RL. “Freedom is over 25 years old and they blew it; the Orange Revolution and they blew it.” The vice-president warned, “They don’t have many more chances in the near term.”
Meanwhile, a former U.S. senator from New Hampshire, Gordon Humphrey, penned a two-part commentary in The Ukrainian Weekly (October 26 and November 9) in which he argued that Ukraine needs weapons now and told readers how they could help save Ukraine. Mr. Humphrey reported on the establishment by private citizens and Ukrainian American organizations of a new Ad Hoc Committee for Ukraine, whose sole purpose is “to encourage Congress to assert its constitutional role as an equal branch of our government to change U.S. policy towards Ukraine and send defensive weapons.” He cited two near-term goals: to encourage formation of a bipartisan Senate Task Force on Ukraine and to encourage senators to support the only bill in the Senate that would authorize defensive weapons, including antitank weapons for Ukraine.
That was the Menendez bill, S 2828, the Ukrainian Freedom Support Act of 2014, introduced back in September. In December, Rep. Kaptur introduced HR 5782, which mirrored the Senate bill. With the end of the 113th Congress and the holidays fast approaching, the Ukrainian community was urged to act to get the bills passed. Thanks to a broad mobilization of Ukraine’s supporters, both houses of the U.S. Congress passed the Ukraine Freedom Support Act of 2014 in its ultimate version as HR 5859 (the House passed the bill on December 11, the Senate on December 13). President Obama signed the bill on December 18, but in a statement released by the White House Press Office said: “Signing this legislation does not signal a change in the administration’s sanctions policy, which we have carefully calibrated in accordance with developments on the ground and coordinated with our allies and partners. At this time, the administration does not intend to impose sanctions under this law, but the act gives the administration additional authorities that could be utilized, if circumstances warranted.”
The Weekly’s editorial pointed out: “The fact that the U.S. Congress passed this bill that contains provisions for defensive weapons for Ukraine is historic. The bill states that ‘it is U.S. policy to assist the government of Ukraine in restoring its sovereignty and territorial integrity in order to deter the government of the Russian Federation from further destabilizing and invading Ukraine and other independent countries in Eastern Europe and Central Asia.’ It ‘directs’ the president to impose new sanctions; and it ‘authorizes’ him ‘to provide Ukraine with defense articles, services and training in order to counter offensive weapons and reestablish its sovereignty and territorial integrity.’ …the bill also directs the secretary of state ‘to submit a plan to Congress to meet the need for protection of and assistance for internally displaced persons in Ukraine’; and directs the secretary of state and U.S. Agency for International Development to strengthen democratic civil society in Ukraine, support independent media outlets and counter government corruption. Also, it directs the chairman of the Broadcasting Board of Governors to submit to Congress a plan for increasing and maintaining through Fiscal Year 2017 the quantity of Russian-language broadcasting into the countries of the former USSR in order to counter Russian propaganda; and it refers to prioritizing broadcasting into Ukraine, Georgia and Moldova by the Voice of America and Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty.”
The Weekly’s editorial cautioned: “Now that President Barack Obama has signed the bill, we can hope for some real assistance for Ukraine in the face of Russian aggression. But the bill gives the president flexibility; he can choose what to do, and what not to do. It must also be noted that, unfortunately, the bill was passed minus the section on granting Major Non-NATO Ally status to Ukraine. Thus, it remains to be seen how the new law is actually implemented by the Obama administration.”