Kurt Volker was in the headlines at the beginning, middle and end of 2018 as the United States’ designated special representative for Ukraine negotiations. Speaking in Brussels on January 22, Ambassador Volker made it clear that the two Minsk accords (of September 2014 and February 2015) had not been implemented because Moscow had not shown “willingness to implement them.” The next day Mr. Volker met with President Petro Poroshenko to discuss Russia’s war on Ukraine, which at that point was responsible for more than 10,300 deaths.
RFE/RL reported that the U.S. envoy also said Moscow’s military actions in Ukraine have “produced the opposite” of what he called Russian President Vladimir Putin’s stated objective of maintaining a “Russia-friendly Ukraine” that is “part of Russia’s orbit.” That same day, according to RFE/RL, The Wall Street Journal reported that unnamed U.S. officials were saying that if peace negotiations failed to make progress in the coming months, Washington planned to push for more economic pressure on Russia.
Speaking at the Council on Foreign Relations in Washington on January 23, ex-Vice-President Joe Biden, who had been the Obama administration’s point man on Ukraine, praised the Trump administration’s decision to supply Ukraine with more lethal weapons, but suggested that a weaker U.S. policy toward Kyiv was leading to backsliding on crucial anti-corruption reforms.
Congress continued to express its support of Ukraine via various bills and resolutions. On February 7, the House of Representatives passed the Ukraine Cybersecurity Cooperation Act whose goal was to encourage cybersecurity cooperation between the U.S. and Ukraine and to require the State Department to report to Congress on best practices to protect against such attacks. The bill pointed out that Ukraine has been the target of an increasing number of cyberattacks that have infiltrated state institutions and critical infrastructure to the effect of undermining its democracy. Later in the year, on November 5, the U.S. and Ukraine held the second U.S.-Ukraine Cybersecurity Dialogue in Kyiv. The parties reaffirmed their commitment to promote an open, interoperable, reliable and secure Internet; to enhance bilateral cooperation; and to combat cyberthreats of mutual concern. The delegations reviewed proposed U.S. cybersecurity assistance projects developed in consultation with relevant Ukrainian agencies and stakeholders.
The State Department on February 13 went on record as accusing Russia of “stoking a hot conflict in Ukraine” by disregarding its commitments in the two Minsk agreements. “Working closely with France and Germany, the United States continues to urge the Russian government to cease its aggression in Ukraine,” the State Department statement said. “The United States takes this opportunity to reiterate that our sanctions will remain in place until Russia fully implements its commitments under the Minsk agreements. Our separate Crimea-related sanctions will remain in place until Russia returns the peninsula to Ukraine.” The latest sanctions had been announced on January 26, targeting 21 people and nine companies linked to the war in Ukraine. Later in the year, more sanctions were imposed, including a round of financial sanctions announced by the Department of the Treasury on November 8 against individuals and companies doing business in Crimea.
Army Sgt. Amber I. Smith/Department of Defense
Defense Secretary James N. Mattis (right) walks with Ukrainian Defense Minister Stepan Poltorak into the Pentagon on February 2. During the meeting, Secretary Mattis emphasized the value of the U.S.-Ukraine security partnership and reiterated U.S. support for Ukrainian defense reform goals.
On February 2, Secretary of Defense James Mattis met with Ukrainian Defense Minister Stepan Poltorak at the Pentagon. According to the Department of Defense, the secretary emphasized the value of the U.S.-Ukraine security partnership, praised Minister Poltorak for his country’s sustained courage in the face of Russian aggression and reiterated U.S. support for Ukrainian defense reform goals. Then, on February 17, Secretary Mattis met with President Poroshenko on the sidelines of the Munich Security Conference. According to a readout of the meeting provided by Ukraine’s Presidential Administration, “The two sides discussed the situation in the Donbas and expressed their concern over the ongoing attempts of Russia and its supporters to undermine the peace process. They also discussed the need to deploy a United Nations peacekeeping mission in the Donbas in accordance with the U.N. principles and the goals of the Minsk process. …The parties discussed further steps to strengthen Ukraine’s defense capability and noted the priority of the development of strategic partnership between Kyiv and Washington.” Also at the meeting was Ambassador Volker. (It must be noted that on December 20, Secretary Mattis resigned his post due to policy differences with President Donald Trump.)
Then came news that the Statement Department had approved the proposed sale of Javelin anti-tank missiles and launch units to Ukraine. A Pentagon statement from March 1 read: “The Javelin system will help Ukraine build its long-term defense capacity to defend its sovereignty and territorial integrity in order to meet its national defense requirements.” The Pentagon added, “The proposed sale of this equipment and support will not alter the basic military balance in the region.” The Defense Security Cooperation Agency said Ukraine had requested 210 Javelin missiles, 37 command launch units and related hardware. Training, technical assistance, transportation and other aspects of logistics were to be included in the $47 million deal.
The Consolidated Appropriations Act of 2018, which stipulates that “not less than $420,700,000 shall be made available for assistance for Ukraine,” was passed by Congress and signed into law on March 23. Furthermore, an additional $200 million was appropriated to provide assistance in 2018 for total of $620.7 million available once all the provisions were accounted for. The latter sum was to go towards continued funding of the ‘‘Ukraine Security Assistance Initiative,” including training, equipment, lethal weapons of a defensive nature, logistics support, supplies and services, sustainment, and intelligence support to the military and national security forces of Ukraine. Sen. Rob Portman (R-Ohio), co-chair of the Senate Ukraine Caucus, announced that this bipartisan legislation “sends a clear signal that the United States will stand up for its allies and interests, and hold Russia accountable for its behavior.”
Sen. Rob Portman/Facebook
President Petro Poroshenko of Ukraine awards U.S. Sen. Rob Portman (R-Ohio) the Order of Merit on April 4, during the senator’s visit to Ukraine. “I’m deeply honored to receive the Order of Merit …I will continue to do everything I can to help the Ukrainians defend themselves against Russian aggression,” Sen. Portman said.
Sen. Portman continued to speak out on behalf of Ukraine throughout 2018. In an April 2 interview with RFE/RL he said Javelins will allow Ukraine to better defend itself against Russian aggression as the conflict there entered its fifth year. “Now there is an opportunity for [the Ukrainians] to have additional weapons to simply be able to say: ‘There will be consequences,’ if the aggression continues,” he said. “And I think that will lead to a more peaceful solution, including an agreement to live by the Minsk agreement and Minsk 2 rather than what we have seen up to date, which is without being able to push back, without having consequences there was more aggression and, therefore, more bloodshed.”
During the first week of April, Sen. Portman visited Ukraine, where he met with President Poroshenko and other top leaders, as well as think tanks and opinion leaders He also visited a forward combat outpost near the line of contact in Donetsk to see first-hand evidence of Russian aggression. “As Russian aggression in eastern Ukraine persists, it is important to reaffirm that the United States stands firmly with Ukraine and the Ukrainian people in their struggle to defend their independence and territorial integrity. As someone who has worked hard in the Senate to highlight the importance of ongoing events in Ukraine and increase U.S. military, political and economic support to the country, I remain fully committed to strengthening this relationship even further and look forward to working with the Ukrainian government in the future,” the senator commented upon his return to Washington.
The U.S. held Russia responsible for the downing of Malaysia Airlines Flight 17 in a press release issued on May 25 by the State Department. “We strongly support the decisions by the Netherlands and Australia to call Russia to account for its role in the July 2014 downing of Malaysia Flight 17 (MH17) over eastern Ukraine and the horrific deaths of 298 civilians. It is time for Russia to acknowledge its role in the shooting down of MH17 and to cease its callous disinformation campaign,” the State Department said. “As the findings of the Joint Investigative Team made clear, the Buk missile launcher used to bring down the passenger aircraft is owned by the Russian Federation and was assigned to the Russian 53rd Anti-Aircraft Brigade near Kursk. It was brought into sovereign Ukrainian territory from Russia, was fired from territory controlled by Russia and Russia-led forces in eastern Ukraine, and was then returned to Russian territory. …”
A few months later, Ambassador Volker was in the news again with his comments that the U.S. was ready to send more arms to Kyiv. Speaking with The Guardian in an interview published on September 1, the envoy said that pro-Western, anti-Russian sentiment was growing in Ukraine and that the Trump administration was “absolutely” prepared to go further in supplying weaponry to Ukrainian forces than the anti-tank missiles it delivered in April. “They are losing soldiers every week defending their own country,” Mr. Volker noted. “And so in that context it’s natural for Ukraine to build up its military, engage in self-defense, and it’s natural to seek assistance, and it’s natural that other countries should help them. And of course they need lethal assistance because they’re being shot at,” he added.
On November 12, a day after elections labeled by the U.S. and the West as a “sham” were held in the Russian-occupied portions of Donetsk and Luhansk oblasts, the State Department called them “an attempt by Moscow to institutionalize its Donbas proxies, the so-called ‘Donetsk and Luhansk People’s Republics.’ ” The statement went on to underline: “If Russia calculated the November 11 illegal ‘elections’ would lead to international respect for its proxies, the international reaction proves it was mistaken. The OSCE [Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe] refused to monitor yesterday’s farce. Russia’s actions have been denounced in capitals on both sides of the Atlantic and on the floors of the U.N. Security Council and the OSCE. The United States and the European Union have spoken with one voice against yesterday’s violation of Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial integrity.” The U.S. had warned of the “Russia-backed sham elections in Ukraine” in an earlier statement dated September 12.
During 2018, Russian forces escalated harassment of international shipping in the Sea of Azov and the Kerch Strait that connects it to the Black Sea. As some commentators put it, the intent was to demonstrate that the Azov is a Russian waterway and, ultimately, to create a land bridge to Crimea. The State Department noted on August 30 that “Russia has delayed hundreds of commercial vessels since April and in recent weeks has stopped at least 16 commercial ships attempting to reach Ukrainian ports.” These actions, it added, “are further examples of its ongoing campaign to undermine and destabilize Ukraine, as well as its disregard for international norms.” On November 25, Russia attacked Ukrainian vessels in neutral waters off the southern coast of Crimea as the Ukrainian ships were approaching the chokepoint that links the Black and Azov seas. The Ukrainian ships – two gunboats and a tug – were confronted by Russian forces near the entrance to the Kerch Strait. The Russian coast guard first rammed the tugboat, and later fired upon and seized all three vessels and their crew. Six of the sailors were wounded; two of them seriously. Twenty-four sailors were taken as prisoners of war and are being held by Russia.
Department of State
The image accompanying a tweet by U.S. Secretary of State Michael R. Pompeo about Russia’s attack on three Ukrainian Navy vessels on November 25.
The United States reacted strongly. Secretary of State Michael R. Pompeo’s November 26 statement said: “The United States condemns this aggressive Russian action. We call on Russia to return to Ukraine its vessels and detained crew members, and to respect Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial integrity within its internationally recognized borders, extending to its territorial waters.” The Congressional Ukraine Caucus, the Senate Ukraine Caucus and individual members of the House and Senate likewise condemned the unprovoked attack and Russia’s escalation of hostilities. Ambassador Volker tweeted: “Russia rams Ukrainian vessel peacefully traveling toward a Ukrainian port. Russia seizes ships and crew and then accuses Ukraine of provocation???”
At the United Nations, U.S. Ambassador Nikki Haley spoke at the emergency meeting of the Security Council on November 26. “Sunday’s outrageous violation of sovereign Ukrainian territory is part of a pattern of Russian behavior that includes the purported annexation of Crimea, and abuses against countless Ukrainians in Crimea, as well as stoking conflict that has taken the lives of more than 10,000 people in eastern Ukraine, and it shows no sign of decreasing.,” she stated. “In May, the United States condemned Russia’s construction and opening of the Kerch Strait Bridge between Russia and occupied Crimea. In August, the United States condemned Russia’s harassment of international shipping in the Sea of Azov and the Kerch Strait. … We call on Russia to respect its international obligations and not obstruct or harass Ukraine’s transit in the Kerch Strait and to de-escalate the tension it has created. As President Trump said many times, the United States would welcome a normal relationship with Russia. But outlaw actions like this one continue to make that impossible.”
“Crimea is Ukraine”
There was much concern on the part of the United States about Crimea, which had been illegally annexed by Russia in 2014.
On the anniversary of that annexation, the State Department issued a press statement titled “Crimea Is Ukraine.” The March 14 statement noted in part: “Four years ago this week, Russia held an illegitimate, fabricated ‘referendum’ in Ukraine in a futile attempt to legitimize its purported annexation of Ukrainian territory. Crimean residents were compelled to vote under scrutiny by heavily armed Russian troops. Russia’s claim that Ukrainians made a free choice in that sham ‘referendum’ has always lacked credibility. In his campaign rally in Crimea today, President [Vladimir] Putin reiterated Russia’s false claims to Ukrainian territory in another open admission that the Russian government disdains the international order and disrespects the territorial integrity of sovereign nations. In light of Putin’s remarks, it is important to call attention to the illegitimacy of the staged ‘referendum,’ but also to the tremendous human costs the Russian government has imposed on the people of Crimea. Over the past four years, Russia has engaged in a campaign of coercion and violence, targeting anyone opposed to its attempted annexation. Russian occupation authorities have subjected Crimean Tatars, ethnic Ukrainians, pro-Ukrainian activists, civil society members and independent journalists to politically motivated prosecution and ongoing repression, while methodically suppressing nongovernmental organizations and independent media outlets. …”
On July 10, Sens. Portman and Bob Menendez (D-N.J.), ranking member of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, led a group of eight of their Senate colleagues in introducing a Senate resolution condemning the Russian Federation’s ongoing illegal occupation of Crimea. The bipartisan resolution came ahead of President Trump’s scheduled trip to Europe, where he was to attend a NATO summit in Brussels and then meet with Russian President Vladimir Putin in Helsinki. Affirming the Senate’s full support for the sanctions the U.S. and the European Union had imposed against Russia for the illegal occupation of Crimea, the resolution also called on the Trump administration to formalize a policy of non-recognition of Russia’s illegal annexation of Crimea. The resolution was passed by the Senate Foreign Relations Committee later that month.
On July 25, Secretary of State Pompeo reiterated in a press statement that the U.S. “rejects Russia’s attempted annexation of Crimea” and called on Russia “to end its occupation of Crimea.” The document, dubbed the Crimea Declaration read: “Russia, through its 2014 invasion of Ukraine and its attempted annexation of Crimea, sought to undermine a bedrock international principle shared by democratic states: that no country can change the borders of another by force. The states of the world, including Russia, agreed to this principle in the United Nations Charter, pledging to refrain from the threat or use of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of any state. This fundamental principle – which was reaffirmed in the Helsinki Final Act – constitutes one of the foundations upon which our shared security and safety rests. As we did in the Welles Declaration in 1940, the United States reaffirms as policy its refusal to recognize the Kremlin’s claims of sovereignty over territory seized by force in contravention of international law. In concert with allies, partners and the international community, the United States rejects Russia’s attempted annexation of Crimea and pledges to maintain this policy until Ukraine’s territorial integrity is restored. The United States calls on Russia to respect the principles to which it has long claimed to adhere and to end its occupation of Crimea. As democratic states seek to build a free, just, and prosperous world, we must uphold our commitment to the international principle of sovereign equality and respect the territorial integrity of other states. Through its actions, Russia has acted in a manner unworthy of a great nation and has chosen to isolate itself from the international community.”
Embassy of Ukraine to the U.S.
On July 25, while U.S. Secretary of State Mike Pompeo was testifying in Congress and announced the formal policy reaffirming U.S. rejection of “Russia’s attempted annexation of Crimea,” a copy of the Crimea Declaration was presented to Ukraine’s Ambassador to the U.S. Valeriy Chaly (right), Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs Serhiy Kyslytsia (left) and Crimean Tatar leader Mustafa Dzhemilev (second from left) by Dr. A. Wess Mitchell, assistant secretary of state, Bureau of European and Eurasian Affairs.
A framed copy of the Crimea Declaration was presented that day to Ukraine’s Ambassador to the U.S. Valeriy Chaly, Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs Serhiy Kyslytsia and Crimean Tatar leader Mustafa Dzhemilev by Dr. A. Wess Mitchell, assistant secretary of state, Bureau of European and Eurasian Affairs. Ambassador Chaly characterized the declaration as “A historic, timely and powerful decision of our strategic partner – the United States.”
The Ukrainian Weekly’s editorial on the historic declaration noted: “As expected, the Russian Foreign Affairs Ministry responded to the Crimea Declaration with a sneering comment: ‘We know the value of such momentous declarations.’ And yet, the policy announced in the Welles Declaration outlived the USSR. For 51 years, under successive administrations and Congresses, the U.S. recognized the independent diplomatic missions of the Baltic states and protected Baltic financial assets; it supported the aspirations of the Baltic nations for independence from the Soviet Union. In fact, critics of U.S. policy on Russian-occupied Crimea had specifically called for a Welles-type declaration. The UCCA says it started its advocacy for such a policy immediately after Russia began its invasion of Ukraine in February 2014. The Crimea Declaration of July 25, 2018, is both historic and consequential. We applaud the Trump administration for eliminating any ambiguity about the U.S. position and stating clearly that ‘no country can change the borders of another by force.’ ”
The Trump administration and Putin
When he assumed office, the Trump administration’s new national security adviser, John Bolton, told Russia’s ambassador to the U.S. that Moscow must address U.S. concerns on election meddling, the “reckless” nerve agent attack in Britain, and the situations in Ukraine and Syria before relations can substantially improve. A White House statement on April 19 said Mr. Bolton, who took over from H.R. McMaster on April 9, made the remarks in a meeting with Russia’s ambassador to Washington, Anatoly Antonov. As noted by RFE/RL, the 69-year-old Mr. Bolton, a former U.N. ambassador, had served as a hawkish voice in Republican foreign-policy circles for decades. Later in the year, Mr. Bolton was unequivocal regarding Russia’s brazen actions around globe. “It will be helpful if they stop interfering in our elections… get out of Crimea and the Donbas in Ukraine,” Mr. Bolton told Reuters during a stop in the Georgian capital, Tbilisi, on October 26. He also urged Moscow to “stop using illegal chemical weapons to conduct assassination attempts against Russian exiles in the West and… be less intrusive in the Middle East.” The national security adviser warned that the U.S. could impose further sanctions on Russia.
Mykola Lazarenko/Presidential Administration of Ukraine
During the visit of U.S. National Security Adviser John Bolton to Kyiv for Ukraine’s Independence Day (August 24), delegations of the United States and Ukraine met for bilateral talks. “I am sure that your visit on this day is vivid evidence of the strong support of the United States for Ukraine,” President Petro Poroshenko commented.
On April 21 Acting Secretary of State John J. Sullivan and Ukrainian Foreign Affairs Minister Pavlo Klimkin met on the margins of the G-7 foreign ministers’ meeting in Toronto. State Department spokesperson Heather Nauert on April 21 gave a readout of the meeting: “The acting secretary reaffirmed the United States’ ironclad support for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Ukraine in the face of Russian aggression. He urged Ukraine to redouble reform efforts and adhere to IMF [International Monetary Fund] programs by adopting legislation to establish a truly independent anti-corruption court and raising gas tariffs to import parity levels. Acting Secretary Sullivan and Foreign Minister Klimkin called on Russia to finally fulfill its commitments under the Minsk agreements and end its occupation of Crimea.”
On June 8, President Trump called for readmitting Russia into the Group of Seven leading industrialized nations. The suggestion made on the eve of a summit of G-7 leaders was, as RFE/RL pointed out, the latest in a string of conciliatory statements by him toward Moscow. Speaking to reporters outside the White House, President Trump said Russia deserved to rejoin the group. “Why are we having a meeting without Russia in the meeting?” he said. “They should let Russia come back in because we should have Russia at the negotiating table.” Reaction to Mr. Trump’s suggestion was strongly negative. Among those speaking out against the idea of readmitting Russia into the group were John Kasich, the Republican governor of Ohio who had challenged Mr. Trump in the 2016 presidential election; and Rep. Marcy Kaptur (D-Ohio), who said, “It is outrageous that the president would call for the reinstatement of Russia to the Group of Seven nations. Russia’s illegal annexation of Crimea and ongoing aggression in eastern Ukraine were the reason the group ejected Russia in the first place.” Sen. Menendez also weighed in, arguing that “Inviting the current government of the Russian Federation to rejoin the circle of G-7 world leaders when President Vladimir Putin’s regime poses an ongoing threat to our freedom, peace and prosperity serves his interests – not ours.”
On top of that uncertainty came reports that Mr. Trump had said privately in discussion with European leaders at the G-7 meeting that Crimea should be a part of Russia because most of the people there speak Russian as their primary language.
On June 29, when asked whether reports about him dropping Washington’s opposition to the annexation of Crimea were true, President Trump said, “We’re going to have to see.” However, National Security Adviser Bolton quickly ruled out that possibility: “That’s not the position of the United States.”
Thus, understandably, there was some trepidation in July before the summit of NATO to be held in Brussels on July 11-12, after which President Trump was to meet with Russian President Vladimir Putin in Helsinki, Finland, on July 16. The two men held a joint press conference in the Finnish capital after their meeting, and Mr. Trump’s performance at the news briefing was widely criticized – and on many points. Reps. Kaptur, Sander Levin (D-Mich.) and Brian Fitzpatrick (R-Pa.) issued a joint statement: “As co-chairs of the bipartisan [Congressional] Ukraine Caucus, we are deeply troubled by the president’s subservient behavior towards President Putin. The United States must never tolerate actions that seek to weaken democratic institutions in the U.S. and our allies abroad. …” Sen. Portman commented: “The president’s comments in today’s press conference were troubling. He failed to stand up to Vladimir Putin on some of the most critical security issues facing our country and our allies. …When given the opportunity, President Trump did not hold President Putin to task for election meddling, for the illegal annexation of Crimea, or for the continued aggression in eastern Ukraine. …”
What’s more, there were concerns that no one really knew what Presidents Trump and Putin discussed during their one-on-one with only their translators present. There was speculation and warranted concern about any deals that might have been struck.
Voice of America reported on July 24 that the top U.S. official for Ukraine negotiations “doubled down on recent assurances from the State Department and White House that President Donald Trump did not reach any agreements on Ukraine during last week’s two-hour private meeting with his Russian counterpart.” In an exclusive interview with VOA’s Ukrainian Service, Mr. Volker said, “There was no move toward recognition of Russia’s claimed annexation of Crimea. No support for a referendum. No movement toward Russia’s position on a protection force for [Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe] monitors that would effectively divide the country.”
“So, a lot of things that people were worried about or had predicted might happen [in Helsinki] did not happen. So, I don’t think there’s really any basis to be worried here,” Ambassador Volker said, noting that the administration has continued to maintain sanctions on Russia in concert with European allies and approved weapons sales to Kyiv. “Let me just say this: that on all of the issues that Ukrainians would care about, nothing was given away,” he said. “No handing over of gifts to Russia at Ukraine’s expense.”
U.S. National Security Council spokesman Garrett Marquis said on July 20 that organizing a “so-called referendum” in Russian-occupied regions of eastern Ukraine – as proposed during the Helsinki summit by Mr. Putin – would have “no legitimacy.” Shortly after the White House’s rejections of reports of the Trump administration’s support for the Russian president’s idea, the Pentagon announced that it was providing an additional $200 million in security assistance to Ukraine to help it build its “defensive capacity.”
On August 20, President Trump said in an interview with Reuters that he wasn’t considering lifting sanctions on Russia, but that he would consider doing so if Russia gave him something he wants in Ukraine or Syria. Other revelations in the interview: Mr. Trump told Reuters that Mr. Putin did not ask him to lift U.S. sanctions during their summit in Helsinki in June. But he said the two had a private meeting that lasted nearly two hours and did talk about Russia’s annexation of Ukraine’s Crimean peninsula and incursion into eastern Ukraine, as well as the Nord Stream 2 natural gas pipeline from Russia to Germany. “I mentioned Crimea, sure. I always mention Crimea whenever I mention Ukraine. Putin and I had a very good discussion very – I think it was a very good discussion for both parties. I mentioned the gas pipeline going to Germany,” he said.
On August 24, Secretary of State Pompeo issued a statement for Ukraine’s Independence Day in which he noted that “The United States steadfastly supports Ukraine in the face of Russian aggression. We pay tribute to those who have fought and sacrificed for freedom in Ukraine, and we stand behind Ukraine as it adopts transformational reforms to increase prosperity, security, and rule of law. The friendship between our countries runs deep, and we are committed to the success of a stable, prosperous, democratic and free Ukraine. We look forward to continuing our partnership and working with Ukraine’s leaders and citizens to realize the bright and enduring future Ukraine’s people deserve.”
Present on that very day in Kyiv at Ukraine’s Independence Day celebrations was National Security Adviser Bolton. He was among the special guests, including leaders and representatives of the defense ministries of Austria, Azerbaijan, Canada, the Czech Republic, Denmark, Georgia, Germany, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Moldova, Montenegro, Poland, Romania, Slovakia, Sweden and the United Kingdom, who attended the military parade marking the 27th anniversary of Ukraine’s independence in a very visible show of support for Kyiv.
On November 16, after Secretary of State Pompeo met with Ukraine’s Foreign Affairs Minister Klimkin, he stated that Ukraine has “no greater friend than the United States” in its struggle against “Russian aggression.” Mr. Pompeo said the “United States will never accept Russia’s attempted annexation of Crimea,” and that Washington will impose “consequences until Russia returns control of the Black Sea peninsula to Ukraine.” The two diplomats met in Washington at a plenary session of the U.S.-Ukraine Strategic Partnership Commission that marked the 10th anniversary of the U.S.-Ukraine Charter on Strategic Partnership. A joint statement on a range of issues, including “security and countering Russian aggression” was released to mark that milestone.
Other developments
During 2018, two U.S. senators on opposite sides of the political aisle urged the Department of Defense to provide funding for education and training for Ukrainian health-care specialists so that they can provide continuing care and rehabilitation services for wounded Ukrainian soldiers. Sens. Portman, co-chair of the Senate Ukraine Caucus, and Richard Blumenthal (D-Conn.), a member of the Senate Ukraine Caucus, on June 26 sent a letter to Secretary of Defense Mattis: “We urge you to prepare Ukraine’s medical professionals to address the unique needs of Ukraine’s soldiers as they transition to their civilian lives, both as a force multiplier and a demonstration of the United States’ commitment to support Ukraine as it defends its sovereignty. Improving Ukraine’s capability and capacity to care for wounded soldiers supports the country’s democratic trajectory and aligns with U.S. geopolitical interests in the region,” they wrote. “Likewise, it sends a strong signal to Russia that the United States is willing to pursue all options to ensure Ukraine’s success and stability,” they underscored. Since the conflict began in 2014, tens of thousands of Ukrainian soldiers now require treatment for conditions they developed in combat. Ukraine’s chief military prosecutor, Anatoliy Matios, recently reported that more than 500 Ukrainian soldiers who fought in the Donbas have committed suicide.
The U.S. Mission to the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) continued during 2018 to speak out about rights violations in Russian-occupied territories of Ukraine and in defense of Ukrainian political prisoners held by Russian authorities. A statement on April 19 focused on the case of Volodymyr Balukh: “Russia’s oppression of those opposing its occupation of Crimea continues unabated. We call on the Russian Federation to permit Ukrainian doctors to visit Volodymyr Balukh who has been on a hunger strike since March 19 while incarcerated in Symferopol on fabricated charges. Mr. Balukh should be released immediately.” In addition, the U.S. Mission to the OSCE reiterated: “The United States fully supports Ukraine’s sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity within its internationally recognized borders. We do not, nor will we ever, recognize Russia’s purported annexation of Crimea. …”
There was much support for political prisoner Oleh Sentsov, a vocal opponent of the Russian takeover of his native Crimea, who was sentenced to 20 years’ imprisonment and was being held in labor colony in Russia’s northern region of Yamalo-Nenets. August 21 marked the 100th day of his hunger strike in protest against Russia’s imprisonment of 64 political prisoners. The State Department, which had spoken out on Mr. Sentsov’s behalf in the past, released a new statement which read, in part: “Today marks the 100th day of the hunger strike of Oleh Sentsov, a Ukrainian filmmaker who is arbitrarily detained in a remote Russian prison. The United States is deeply concerned about his deteriorating health, and we renew our demand that Russia immediately release him and all Ukrainian citizens unlawfully imprisoned in Russia and on the Crimean peninsula. We are alarmed about the prospect of another innocent person dying in Russian custody.”
Mark Raczkiewycz
U.S. Ambassador Marie Yovanovitch (first row center) stands with participants of a women’s leadership workshop that was jointly organized by the Kyiv Committee of Chicago Sister Cities International and Fulbright Ukraine at the America House in Kyiv on October 16. The Fulbight program in Ukraine marked its 25th year in 2018; country director Marta Kolomayets is seen above on the left.
On October 1, the U.S. government run America House in Kyiv conducted a five-hour leadership workshop for some three dozen aspiring female leaders age 14-16. Its purpose was to emulate a week-long annual summit that Chicago hosts for its 28 sister cities, including Kyiv, but condensed into a one-day event. The reason: Kyiv this year submitted the most applications (41) for the single slot that is allotted to each partner city, all of which “were so amazing,” said Leroy Allala, executive director of Chicago Sister Cities International (CSCI),. Thus, the one-day leadership workshop, organized jointly by Fulbright Ukraine and the Kyiv Committee of CSCI, was meant to show that each applicant is worthy of the program.
Speaking of the Fulbright program, 2018 marked its 25th year in Ukraine. Since the program’s inception in Ukraine a quarter of century ago, some 700 American “Fulbrighters” have come to Ukraine to lecture, study or conduct research. And about 1,000 Ukrainian scholars and university students have come to the U.S. Marta Kolomayets, the Fulbright Ukraine country director, emphasized that it’s not just about the academics, it is just as much a question of serving as a cultural ambassador. “The Fulbright program is a program of mutual understanding, of cultural ambassadorship… the Americans that come over bring American culture here and the Ukrainians that go to the United States are cultural ambassadors for Ukraine. So many people tell me that the important thing is not only what you learn – it’s how you communicate with other people and the outside world, and tolerance and understanding. Understanding the differences – it’s a very important part of the Fulbright program,” she pointed out in the story by Adrian Karmazyn published in The Ukrainian Weekly in December 16.
The Holodomor
On March 15 Sens. Portman and Dick Durbin (D-Ill.), co-chairs of the Senate Ukraine Caucus, introduced a resolution marking the 85th anniversary of the Holodomor. The resolution commemorated the anniversary of the Holodomor and recognized the Soviet Union’s role in perpetrating this genocide. The resolution built on a number of congressional actions to condemn the Holodomor and honor its victims, including the 2015 dedication of the Holodomor Memorial in Washington. Sens. Portman and Durbin were joined in introducing this resolution by a bipartisan group of 11 senators. Eight more senators later signed on as co-sponsors, and Senate Resolution 435 was passed by unanimous consent on October 3. On December 11, the House of Representatives passed House Resolution 931, which was identical to the aforementioned Senate measure. The resolution had been introduced back on June 8 by Rep. Sander Levin (D-Mich.). It had 20 original co-sponsors and a total of 33 cosponsors by the time of its passage.
What is most significant is that both the Senate and House resolutions recognized “the findings of the Commission on the Ukraine Famine as submitted to Congress on April 22, 1988, including that ‘Joseph Stalin and those around him committed genocide against the Ukrainians in 1932–1933.’ ”
The administration of President Trump also marked the Holodomor. State Department spokesperson Heather Nauert released a statement on November 23 which, while noting that “millions of innocent Ukrainians were deliberately starved to death by the regime of Joseph Stalin,” did not recognize it as a genocide. According to the statement, “This catastrophic man-made famine was one of the most atrocious acts of the 20th century and a brutal reminder of the crimes of communism.” (To be fair, we must point out that no U.S. administration has called the Holodomor a genocide.) In addition, in a message on the National Day for Victims of Communism (November 7), President Trump cited “Ukrainians deliberately starved in the Holodomor.”
And, at year’s end
The year concluded as it had begun, with another strong statement from Ambassador Volker. In a December 5 interview with the Voice of America he said: “We don’t accept that the territorial waters around Crimea are Russian. They are Ukrainian. We don’t accept, therefore, that Kerch Strait is completely Russian. We believe it is shared sovereignty.” Furthermore, he said Russia needs to release the 24 sailors taken captive in late November and to return the three ships it seized. Mr. Volker told VOA that the United States’ European allies could move to bar Russian vessels coming from Crimea or the Azov Sea from European ports, as was suggested recently by Annegret Kramp-Karrenabaue, general secretary of Germany’s ruling Christian Democratic Union and an aspiring successor to outgoing German Chancellor Angela Merkel. “It is a very strong measure and a very creative one,” Mr. Volker commented. “We’ll see if they pursue it.”
In a news briefing the special envoy conducted via phone from Brussels, he said the U.S. and the European Union are considering a separate set of sanctions and other measures against Russia for firing on Ukrainian vessels and taking 24 servicemen captive. The debate is whether to add them to an existing set of restrictive measures over Russia’s annexation of Crimea and its war in the Donbas or to devise a “third basket,” said Ambassador Volker. “But the notion that there needs to be a response and [that] some additional sanctions and listing of names would occur seems to be one gaining some traction, and I would not be surprised at all to see that happen in the next month or two,” he explained during the briefing, in which The Ukrainian Weekly participated. Additionally, Ambassador Volker said a “multinational visible presence in and around Ukraine, whether it’s in the Black Sea or in parts of Ukraine,” could be an additional step taken in the future.
Ambassador Volker also confirmed that Russia has an invasion force at Ukraine’s borders and that it’s bigger than the one Kyiv faced at the outset of war in 2014. Regarding Russia’s military build-up, he said, “Yes, that is all true.” He continued: “This is something that has happened over a period of years. Russia invaded Ukraine, it took Crimea, it is occupying the Donbas, and it has, within Russia, built up significant military capacity, and also in Crimea [it has] built up significant military capacity over time. So it is much larger than was there before all the conflict started.” Regarding the war in the easternmost Luhansk and Donetsk regions – one that Mr. Volker had described as a “hot conflict” in previous statements – he said there still is “violence occurring every night… there’s mortar and sniper fire, artillery… so this just has to stop.”