Over time, there has been a growing understanding in Washington that Ukraine’s security matters to the West, especially following Russia’s invasion of Ukrainian territory four years ago. Even prior to the war, there was a broad recognition in the West – more so in Washington, less so in much of Europe – that a secure, independent, democratic Ukraine was a prerequisite for a Europe whole, free and at peace. The question of whether the West acted upon that broad understanding to the extent it should have has been, and no doubt will be, a subject of vigorous debate for years to come.
Notwithstanding, recognition of Ukraine’s role in the security of the West has dramatically evolved in the last four years. The country’s importance in the security realm has been further heightened in the last two years given Russia’s election interference in the U.S. and Europe, as well as its multitude of other destabilization efforts, including cyber-attacks, “fake news” and other propaganda, military projection and poisonings. Ukraine has been no stranger to a range of destabilization efforts. Indeed, there now appears to be a growing, if not belated, appreciation that Ukraine has been a laboratory in what has been rightly described as Russia’s war against the West. Clearly, Ukraine has been on the frontlines in that war – and not only militarily.
While there is always room for improvement, throughout the last four years the United States has manifested an understanding of Ukraine’s essential role to Western security. Various U.S. policies reflect that understanding. Much credit for this goes to the professionals at the departments of State and Defense, the intelligence community and a few other relevant government agencies. Congress also understands this. Acting in rare bipartisan fashion, it has been instrumental in pressing both the Obama and Trump Administrations to support Ukraine and stand firm against Russian aggression. Former U.S. government officials, think-tanks, NGOs, the Ukrainian American community and other friends of Ukraine in the United States have also played a critical role in encouraging a deeper appreciation of Ukraine’s security importance.
How has Washington’s understanding of Ukraine’s vital role in Western security been manifested? Through pronouncements and policies, or, if you will, in word and in deed. Ukraine-related and other sanctions on Russia have been a key component of our arsenal. To say that they have had no impact, as some assert, is simply not credible. They have been an important tool and should be tightened and expanded to pressure the Kremlin to comply with its international commitments and get out of Ukraine.
President Barack Obama was rightly criticized for not providing lethal defensive weapons to Kyiv, despite bipartisan Congressional support and even from many of the key players in his own administration for arming Ukraine. He did, however, do a lot to help get the European Union on board with respect to sanctions. This matters greatly as the EU and the U.S. standing together in countering Russian aggression is far more effective than just Washington with a few other non-EU countries, notably key friend and ally Canada, going it alone.
Despite initial fears, the Trump administration has extended the Obama administration’s Ukraine-related sanctions. Last August, Congress by an overwhelming margin passed a law further sanctioning Russia for interference in our elections and its continued aggression in Ukraine, including codification of the previous administration’s Ukraine-related executive orders. Despite initial reluctance and delays, the Administration is now finally heeding Congress’s calls and at least beginning to implement these sanctions, although much more needs to be done to fully implement the law.
Another critical policy tool has been U.S. assistance to Ukraine, which has greatly expanded since 2014. In the security realm, the Trump administration’s decision to begin to provide lethal defensive military assistance is most welcome and long overdue. Non-lethal assistance has also been consequential in helping Ukraine counter Russia’s aggression, and this too has been expanding over the last four years. Substantial assistance in the non-security sector also is a strong indication of Washington’s commitment to Ukraine’s security. This, too, has increased since the Euro-Maidan. An economically vibrant, democratic, rule-of-law Ukraine is undoubtedly a more secure and stable Ukraine, and Washington policymakers understand that this translates to a more secure West.
One facet of U.S. assistance is helping Ukraine combat the scourge of corruption, which has undermined Ukraine’s security for decades. In addition to its other debilitating effects – first and foremost its negative impact on the well-being of the Ukrainian people – corruption is an issue of national security. Ukraine’s corruption has made it more vulnerable to Russia. It is a topic that increasingly draws the attention of Western governments and other supporters of Ukraine. Recently, the Friends of Ukraine Network issued a public Appeal for Decisive Action in Ukraine’s Fight Against Corruption (see The Weekly, March 18). This statement applauds the reforms that have been undertaken since the Maidan but adds its voice to the many calls from Western leaders, diplomats and representatives of international organizations regarding the need for Ukraine to urgently strengthen its anti-corruption institutions and adopt additional anti-corruption reforms.
The Friends of Ukraine Network, an initiative of the U.S.-Ukraine Foundation, is a non-partisan, informal coalition of former ambassadors, leading foreign policy and international security professionals, and other experts who have dealt with key aspects of Ukraine’s relations with the U.S. and the international community. (Full disclosure: I am a board member of the U.S-Ukraine Foundation, a member of the FOUN, and one of the drafters of the appeal).
The U.S. policy tool kit also includes our diplomatic efforts and messaging. These should not be underestimated. Special U.S. Envoy to Ukraine Kurt Volker’s statements and interviews display his keen understanding of Russia’s culpability in the Donbas and signals to the aggressor that he cannot pull the wool over our eyes. In recent years, there have been countless statements and press releases from the State Department, at the United Nations and other fora, and in Congress as well. Notable are the detailed, factual statements by the U.S. Mission to the Vienna-based Permanent Council of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) delivered on a near-weekly basis that do a superb job in consistently calling out Russia for its ongoing aggression and egregious violations of international principles in Ukraine. These reach a variety of audiences that need to hear where the U.S. stands.
Actions such as sanctions and assistance matter greatly, but so do words, as words often lead to, encourage and reinforce actions. Unfortunately, there has been a drop in the number of White House statements on Ukraine. During the Obama administration, they were frequent, reflecting Vice-President Joe Biden’s exceptionally robust engagement with Ukraine. Similar engagement by the White House itself, perhaps even by Vice-President Mike Pence, who undoubtedly understands Ukraine’s key role in Western security, would be welcome.
As with any partnership or friendship, there is always room for growth, but there is no doubt that the United States is a true friend of Ukraine and understands that Ukraine’s security, independence and democracy matter.